The first anniversary of the formation of the Congress of the People (COPE) has provided an opportunity to take stock of its impact on the political scene of the country. Most of the comments made so far are critical, some even going as far as singing dirges for COPE. Then there’s the usual revisionists on stilts, often with cloying intellectual gad-flyism. Still, there are those that are constructive in their critique which should elicit more than clucking and hedging from COPE leadership.
To understand the impact COPE has had on the political landscape of our country we have to recall what made COPE’s emergence seem like a breath of fresh air, providing new hope for South Africans of all colour. COPE came at time when signs were becoming clear that we had failed in our project of national reconciliation. And there were disturbing tendencies of disregard for our constitution and democratic principles by the ruling party, like the unconstitutional recall of the president of the country.
During our last election we saw a situation where by most people voted mostly along racial lines, going back to pre 1994 laagers, which confirmed one of COPE’s founding concerns that the racial groups of our country were again becoming polarised.
In recent weeks we’ve seen further evidence that the situation has not changed from that which prevailed around the time COPE was formed. If anything, things are getting worse. The current administration threatens to change the constitution at a drop of a hat, in what they’ve learnt to term ‘material changes to the law’, to accommodate their erratic needs and power mongering designs.
Closer investigation almost always reveals hidden agendas of wanting to centralise power and create a monster style of governance that is micro-managed by Luthuli House. There are myriad examples: from wanting to merge security services, to abolishing provincial governance, to promoting a populist style of mine nationalisation intended to benefit the elites and cronies in the name of the people.
One of the founding principles of COPE is an improvement to our electoral system, to provide the means for intensifying our democracy. This, COPE said, should be done by allowing people to make a direct electoral choice for the State President, their Premiers, etc, as with their local ward councillors. As we saw recently in Lekwa Local Municipality, Standerton, the ruling party instead still regards government representatives as deployees of Luthuli House.
This is probably why they sent the likes of Malema, who holds no elected government position, to dissolve the local government structure mafia style. What is clear that the set precedent will henceforth be followed; whenever there’s something perceived to be wrong, “a band of select individuals ” will seat in Luthuli House and decide who to recall with little or no regard to the democratic principles. Decisions made by the unknown few, are foisted down on the population, regardless of the impact or consequence.
It has meanwhile emerged that within the Tripartite Alliance factions use the so called “service delivery” protests for their own power struggles. In fact most of the time they instigate them as means to advance their careers and to settle political scores. Even the so called local government audit is done on a factionalist and caucus basis. If you belong to a right faction and can caucus sufficiently within the party you are immune from being fired no matter how incompetent.
On the other hand your competence won’t save you if you belong to a wrong or no faction, as was the case within the Lekwa Municipality, where independent surveys showed it to be the fourth best performing municipality in that province. The ruling party’s local municipality audit has become a final witch-hunt to remove those associated with a wrong faction, and then used to dispense patronage to those of a right one. The process attaches next to no meaning to translating people’s service delivery expectations into tangible results.
COPE was formed as a concerted protest against this backdrop of incompetence, cronyism, impotent governance, ineffectual structures, venal politicians and local municipalities that have been bankrupted by mismanagement and corruption. Nothing much has changed: the ANC government still uses “cadre deployment” that lead to government incompetence. If anything they have become bold in aiming to achieve their goals by persuasion, cohesion or repression.
Much more evidence can be put forward to demonstrate the fact that the conditions that led to the formation of COPE have not disappeared, if anything they’ve become worse and more apparent. Why then do some people act as if COPE is on the verge of extinction? Only history can give a satisfactory answer to this question but we can tease a general overview.
COPE as a political party (as opposed to the social movement that went to the Sandton Convention) is still between worlds, standing on a historical process. A political historical process, agency and structure, is always a complex interplay between popular mobilization and civil resistance (those who want to protect and intensify the gains of our democracy). COPE has so far proven to be weak in grassroots political mobilisation. It enjoys the sympathy of civil resistance.
COPE has failed in linking political action with community activism, thus to provide a good antidote to overtly populists constructions of a decaying Liberation Movement, whose lack of principle is helping to rip the moral fabric out of our politics (imagine how many Malema clones there’ll be in 5 years time).
COPE’s lack of a clear identity and the slightly complex concept of progressive politics is at the heart of its failure to appeal at a grassroots level. The idea of progressive politics is an alien political method in African politics. To most African people it smacks of naïve idealism that is informed by technocratic politics, devoid of historical realities. This is probably why it has no appeal to the majority of South Africans who are unable to link it to their immediate experiences.
To be readily understood COPE then will have to talk more about communitarian issues and align itself strongly with social movements. These are the politics of the future, not party politics. COPE needs to find a way of connecting politics with the well-being of families, neighbourhoods, community, nation, and so on. Relevance in politics is achieved through a mixture of traditional forms of values with people’s progressive social spirit and democratic political principles.
Communitarianism, as an ideological mould, can be applied to a number of philosophical presumptions. Hence communitarian politics would be a brandable identity for COPE, with an added advantage of affording opportunity to make its message broad without being vague. The advantage with classic communitarism is traditional and philosophic underpinnings that are serious enough for those with ethical /religious/intellectual grounding, thus can take many forms of cultural and social visage. It is also attentive enough to those still attached to romantic traditions without being naive, shallow or populist. It sees virtue and equality as mutually compatible, that is when the playing field is democratic enough.
The reality of the matter is that most South African thinkers, black and white, are despondent with the current nature of our politics, what one of them termed the moral busting barbarianism. Our progressive communities too are dumfounded with how quickly our politics got derailed our embedded social values.
COPE has to capture this communitarian spirit, channel it properly with vibrant critique of government failures to forge a new path based in constitutional values, civic trust, patriotism, national inclusiveness, etc. The Tripartite Alliance has clearly taken the route of shallow politics, of misleading by perception (saying the right things while doing the opposite). In short, COPE needs to be the authentic voice of sustainable solutions—based on deeper values and political substance. It must be a beckon of what in Rousseau’s terms is called a Well-Ordered Society. Incidentally it was Rousseau who argued that citizens cannot be made to love a society (party) that has lost its way or become corrupt.
COPE’s political space, for many reasons, most of which are historical, is the only one set to grow where others regressing, and some reach their natural ceiling. This is why it is somewhat surprising to hear people sing dirges for COPE as if in the past year it has been punching above its weight. If anything, COPE has not lived up to its potential yet. Yes it has its share of problems but they are not insurmountable as the alarmist headline grabbers would have us believe. The public at large is slowly waking up to the concerns raised by COPE. The party just needs to be more vocal and clear about its message, more consistent in following its principles, and rid itself of leadership squabbles. It must offer a believable alternative and depth that is set to take the political maturity of the country to the next step. Then its fire will flare quicker than anyone is able to fathom.