Congress of the People in the Mother City

Archive for the ‘Speeches’ Category

Western Cape Provincial Parliament Session

In Speeches on August 3, 2010 at 2:44 pm

03 August 2010

Debate (The Role of Provincial Government in the xenophobic violence in the Western Cape)

Not until the living conditions in areas where xenophobic attacks happen are improved we must expect these threats to continue. Indeed, violence against foreigners, commonly label as “xenophobia”, has been a feature of South African life since the 1990s in the small township called Uitenhage in the Eastern Cape.

The national government explain these attacks as being motivated by criminal element.

It does not help when the government downplay threats of violence to foreigners as being just paranoia; or just statements of violence against foreigners as rumours designed to “discredit” the government.

Xenophobic attacks are first and foremost rooted in poverty and competition for living resources. It is not invariably hatred of foreigners. Which is why the terminology of xenophobia—the fear or hatred of foreigners—is deceptive.
Foreign nationals are targeted because they are the weakest link in a contest for scarce resources, such as jobs, housing and services. And are seen as a stumbling block in people’s process of transforming our working conditions.

This is why when displaced nationals are placed on camps, protected shelters, etc, it turn to feed the fire of resentment against them. People see them as receiving privileges they themselves are not entitled to.

It evident that criminal elements take advantage of people’s discontent about their living conditions. Dodgy business men, for instance, fuel and exploit the fires of discontent directed at foreigners for their vested interests—because they are loosing business to foreigners, especially the Somalis.

Indeed there are random strangers of foreign extraction that are reported as being abused at taxi ranks, or thrown off moving trains. It is tempting even here to just explain it as prejudice and bigotry against foreigners. Yet when you investigate further you discover that the deeper motive was more of a loutish/criminal behaviour of those who like to go for the weakest link.

We may debate to what extent the manifestation of violence against foreigners is attributable to poverty or genuine xenophobia, but for whatever reasons, there can be no justification for it, it is, in essence, breaking the law. Nothing can excuse murdering or injuring others, violating their dignity and dispossessing them of home and livelihood.
Indeed, most impoverished South Africans do not participate in mob violence, which may seem as putting the spanner on the argument that it is about competition for scarce living conditions.

What can the provincial government do to mitigate the situation?

• First it must regulate against the employers, especially private ones, to cease employing people below basic salary requirements.

It is, for instance, no coincidence that restaurants prefer to employ foreign nationals. It is not due to the fact that South Africans are lazy, or something. Most of the restaurant owners exploit the desperation of foreign nationals in one way or the other, including low wages and impossible long hours.

The other culprit is the farm industry. Also the city of Cape Town is blameworthy.

It is no coincidence Mr. Speaker that every parking attendant in this city is a foreign national. South Africans refused these jobs because they paid below the basic salary level.

These are the things that fed the fires of resentment and the perception that the foreign national are here to take their jobs.

This is xenophobia is no only pushed by the competition for jobs and stunted transformation, but housing, inadequate access to services. All these prejudice demagogy interrelate and feed the fires of resentment that flare up as the so called xenophobia.

COPE calls on the Western Cape government to start taking serious measures of regulating against hiring people below basic salary requirements. It must regulate about the percentage of foreigners that can be employed on jobs that can be done by South African, etc.

Also, what we don’t understand is why the Provincial Government does not start up business start up units, etc. It would dramatically increase the skills levels of citizens who qualify for SETA learnerships. That might be a real gap in the process which the Province can be directly responsible for. SETA funding is platform that levels the playing filed for South Africans since foreigners do not qualify for them.

Additionally, the DA government has talked about gearing up and linking public works extended projects to skill development and transfer, but we’ve so far have not seen anything. That would seem like a win/win situation and if the Premier is serious about her Equal Opportunities mantra the only way to open up opportunities is to substantially increase the availability of the opportunities to more people.

Also the province will do well commissioning a study that’ll give us a better analysis of what is going on out there, so we may stop explaining it in imprecise shorthand terms like “xenophobia”.
In the meantime, government and civil society must be forthright in their condemnation of mob violence against foreigners, and proactive in preventing them. There can be no justification for mob violence, whatever the context. Our solidarity must be with the victims of xenophobic violence and those who stand with them.

Thank you!

M. Ncedana, COPE MPL (WCPP)

Statement

The reports about the national government considering a media tribunal have stirred a hornet’s nest among the chattering class. We can understand how tempting it must be to follow that kind of path when we see the type of irresponsible journalism in our media.

Today, Andrew Trench, the editor of one of the oldest and leading newspapers published an apology and retracement of a story published earlier in July, which claimed a Port St Johns hospital (Isilimela) was so short of food that staff had donated their own groceries and had to beg from the community.

“Our investigation showed that our sources were inadequate and our accuracy procedures were not followed. If they had been, the problems would most likely have been identified and the report not published.”

We’ve seen similar thing happen over and over, putting in jeopardy the reputation of individuals, especially public officials, and indeed that of the reputation of the country.

For instance; we are still waiting for the food shortages that were supposedly going to befalling us during the World Cup. We are waiting for the killing of world cup fans, and watching and waiting for the mob descent of Xenophobic attacks on foreigners to materialise.

There’s no doubt about it, our press is irresponsible. And in some cases goes far as to incite people to kill others for a story.

I’m not saying the media should not have reported on incidents of xenophobia, but insisting on an immanent attack on foreigners mass based only on rumour is irresponsible. It saw people displacing and inconveniencing themselves based on media statements.

What will be next, the headlines: Blacks will kill whites once Mandela dies.

Having said all that, how is setting up this tribunal going to help? It certainly will not help bad, sensationalist and smearing news, or even ensure responsible journalism.

What is even worse, if true, is what reported in the news that the minister of higher education, Blade Ndzimande has said the press is a direct threat to democracy is an exaggeration.

It is therefore rather strange when all of a sudden the minister gets an idea that the press is a threat to our democracy, and wanting to “punish” reporters for what they write wrongly.

We know that the work produced by journalists should be strictly bound by a code of ethics that requires them to test the accuracy of information gleaned (taken) from their sources, and are required to take every precaution to prevent inadvertent errors.

Also media freedom is not an absolute right, especially where it infringes other people’s rights.

Our fear at COPE is that the tribunal will eventually lead to far worse things than just defamation of character. In issues of democratic freedom, you pull out a brick then the whole wall crumbles down, and eventually the house collapses.

The government has not yet clarified the nature of the tribunal character. But one would think the tribunal will only investigate complaints, which means that “falsehood” will have been published already. The tribunal will take the same time a case takes to be investigated, unless it will have a ready-made finding. It will still have to go to court to prove its case.

In short how different is it going to be from the press ombudsman?

At COPE we are getting the feeling that the government is trying to be the only one to judge the merits of each case without any input from our institutions of democracy that guard our freedom. We cannot condone that.

Thank you!

T.N. Bevu, COPE MPL (WCPP)

The Toilet Revolution

In Speeches on June 1, 2010 at 3:05 pm

WCPP Session

STATEMENT

M. Ncedana, MPL

Thank you Mr. Deputy Speaker!

COPE has been unhappy about the Makhaza toilet situation where families are compelled to relieve themselves in full public view since 2008.

The answer of the city council was to build them substandard open toilets. This was tantamount to gross human rights violations, and undermines the people’s right to dignity as protected by Section 10 of our constitution.

COPE concurs with the community of Makhaza that their dignity has been undermined. To put salt in the wound after eventually putting enclosure the city council threw corrugated sheets, instead of concrete prefabs with a sneering attitude that can be detected in Mayor Plato’s utterances when he said the enclosures were not inferior to the material people had used to build the homes.

Plato said if people wanted to destroy the new structures he would “walk away”, and this morning was true to his word when he ordered the toilets to be removed from Makhaza.

This condescending attitude is what at the centre of what is wrong here, and what makes the people of Makhaza feel they’re being undermined by the council. This is what lead to the Toilet Revolution
In the greater part of Khayelitsha, which is more about basic service delivery, like water and sanitation.

Even so, COPE condemns the calls to incite people to vandalise community property, even the substandard toilets. It smacks of political opportunism, and is a tremendous waste of much needed resources.

In our view the City of Cape Town, especially the attitude of mayor Plato is at the wrong, but we must be careful not to trade our people’s pain for political gain and expediencies.

We believe the whole matter could have been dealt with in a much better way had the attitude of the council and the mayor been more accommodating and informed by desire to serve the people.

Worse still, the Premier of the province seem to collaborate mayor Plato’s attitude in her interview with ETV this afternoon.

Uthi abantu base Makhaza babe nomsindo ukudilizwa kwamagumbi abo elindle qha bobesoyika iANC Youth League. Zezinto zenza umsindo ebatwini, zokubangcingela ingathi bazizidenge. [She says were angry when their toilets were torn down but feared the ANCYL]

Ukuba abantu base Mkhaza bebesoyika iANC Youth League ngebe toyi-toya namhlenje? [If the people were afraid of the ANCYL why are they protesting in streets and roads against the city council now?]

And the city has audacity to say the toilets were removed to avoid shifting attention from the World Cup. So the World Cup has become much more important than the plight of our people.

And they say the toilets will be returned when people build the enclosures themselves. Where are the people going to find the money if they didn’t have it before.

The whole thing has unnecessarily deteriorated to unacceptable levels. Hence we call upon all those involved, including the community to join COPE in embarking on more constructive ways to solve the Makhaza toilet debacle. This is the only way the dignity of that community will be restored again, and the city.

Failure to heed our call will escalate the ‘Toilet Revolution’.

Mbulelo Ncedana is the member of the Western Cape Provincial Parliament and the chairperson of COPE in the Western Cape.

Western Cape Provincial Parliament

In Speeches on June 1, 2010 at 2:49 pm


31 May 2010

Debate (Street Traders of Grand Parade and Cape Town Station)

T.N. Bevu, MPL

Thank you Mr. Speaker!

If my memory serves me well Mr. Speaker, Street traders have been working at the Grand Parade since the 1800s. When one goes to the museum to see the Cape Town of before; gravel roads, muddy streets, and all. What you cannot miss is the Grand Parade and its vibrant street traders even then.

This is why for me it is unbelievable that we would allow FIFA to dictate so much to us to an extent of taking us for a ride for conditions of how we should run our city just because we wanted to the host city status.

We are compelled to change venues for our street traders to accommodate, what do we call them, Fan Parks or Fests?

Talk about selling our heritage for a pot of lentil soup!

For a month the hard working residents of this city must move away from their advantage points to hidden corners like the Drill Hall site, Corporation Street, Lower Plain Street and the Castle.

They’ll loose business in the sense that Grand Parade and Cape Town station markets operated like a unit where one could get everything they wanted around one area.

Their lease agreement with the city escalates (from R80 a month — which goes towards security and cleaning — to one of the five trading organisations that operate at the Grand Parade), all because we are a host city.

What do they gain in return? Supposedly increased business from tourists and fans? If we look at past world cups there’s certainly no guarantee for that. Restaurants, hotels and bars are what make more business during things such as these.

The homeless too suddenly find themselves an intolerable nuisance to the city. They are rounded up by police and CCID (Central City Improvement District) to be dumped in the outskirts of town. All of a sudden the city has found a new will to accommodate them else where, preferable away from the tourist and fan’s eyes.

And we wonder why people think this world cup is just another means to extort and oppress them?

Who gains most in all from this World Cup? Why its burdens are placed on the backs of the poor whose children and children of their children also will have to pay for useless stadiums long after FIFA World Cup has come and gone?

Who knows, the spectacle might not even make profit, and we’ll be told after the tournament of its losses.

You’ll pardon me if I sound pessimistic Mr. Speaker; but I don’t see the logic in a developing country like ours, that has not yet been able to house, feed, and transport its own people properly to suddenly have monies to spare for soccer spectacles to the tune of R4 billion.

Talk about bread and circus; keeping the people ignorant so they may forget about their real problems.

The street traders business will certainly be disrupted, the question is what gain they will derive from the disruptions. They say the inconvenience is mostly due to storage arrangement whereupon now they must go further to set up their stalls.

Street vendors also say the new venues are not well placed in conspicuous spaces like the Grand Parade, and feel the city failed in consulting them about the proper arrangements.

Beyond that, things could have been done up to here, but we are here now and all of us should rally behind our team and the country as the host. Let the games begin.


Tozama Bevu is the member of the Western Cape Provincial Parliament and a national organiser for COPE’s Women Movement

WCPP Debate: Freedom after 16 years

In News, Speeches on May 4, 2010 at 7:00 pm

WCPP Session (Freedom Debate)

04 March 2010

Debate

J A. van Zyl , MPL (COPE)

Speaker!

To some an extent we’ve achieved political freedom to achieve the government according the general will of the majority. But the increasing intolerance within the lumbers of the ruling party, and the conflation of party and the state is worrying.

The problem we still have is the majority of our people do not participate meaningfully in our economy. Collectively the majority is slowly entering a mood of despair and cynicism, prompting what is known as service delivery protests.

There is in our country a spreading general feeling of pessimism because people can’t fulfill one of the basic condition of freedom, freedom from poverty.

We must make no mistakes, freeing the majority of people from poverty is not an act of kindness, but means of ensuring the security of our country also. So long as somebody is hungry in Delft, somebody in Constantia is going to feel its effects one way or the other, mostly through crime.

Poverty turns economic relationships into power relationships. This in turn impairs on the gained freedoms of the poor who most of the time must sell their freedom to feed themselves. The poor are not free to choose who they are, where they must work and how they must work for.

When we fail to provide the poor freedom to uplift themselves from poverty, we are infringing on their constitutional rights. And we are giving ammunition to the more aggressive in our midst who want to take by force, regulated or otherwise, from the rich in the name of equality, as is currently happening in Zimbabwe.

The majority of the poor are getting convinced that there’s no real will by our government to provide them with real opportunities to improve their conditions, which is why service delivery protests have increased.

How then does the Western Cape Provincial government fare?

It became clear from the recent budget speeches that the current Western Cape Provincial Government has decided to prioritize CBD development within Cape Town over all else. Common sense tells us that the only way forward for infrastructure and economic development in this province is to concentrate future investments on the areas currently in the periphery.

Ivan Turok, the former honorary professor at the African Centre for Cities at UCT supports this view:

The alternative approach would be to begin to bridge the economic divide by encouraging productive activity to develop in and around the south-east. This is less about squeezing the northern suburbs and more about creating conducive conditions elsewhere to attract investment and strengthen grass-roots capabilities … The idea is to stimulate a gradual, self-reinforcing process of township upgrading and all around revitalization.

It is not acceptable to say economic opportunities are created by private companies, when the government is being selective in providing development between the northern suburbs and south-east townships. The sharp disparities in the health, school, recreational and consumer services testify to this.

Improve the infrastructure, security, and the general environmental quality of the south-east areas and see if this will not raise confidence of the private sector to invest on these arrears.

With the population of over 2 million the possibilities are endless in the south-east of Cape Town. In fact by neglecting the south-east belt where there’s more land and resources, the Western Cape Provincial Government has undermined the capabilities of this city.

Langa and Nyanga are a testimony to the city’s lack of innovation and stereotyping of black areas—anywhere else places like those so close to the metro would be throbbing with business opportunities and high residential demand.

Atlantis is an obvious choice of major development in this metro, with all the natural resources it has, yet private initiatives are not followed by proper government development to build investor confidence on the area. Why? Is it lack of political will?

In the nutshell lack of opportunity is what hampers the freedom of the majority of our people; all the lofty talks about national revolutionary democracy or equal opportunity society will mean nothing until we provide people with opportunities to improve their lives.


Thank you

Statement

T. N. Bevu, MPL

Mr. Speaker, one of our privileges as members of this parliament is going around to different constituencies and seeing how our people are still under oppression, especially economic oppression.

I serve one of the poorest regions in this province, the Central Karroo. There are places are there that still look even worse than they were under the apartheid regime; poverty is not just grinding but endemic and tragic. It is an unbelievable shame to find, in this day in age, children dying of malnutrition as if we were in Ethiopia or something. Some children do not go school as a matter of norm, though under age, queuing to work on farms.

Poverty is no longer an African black, or African coloured thing alone Mr. Speaker but white South Africans too are slowly falling below the poverty line. A major Sunday newspaper this weekend reported on white people living in squatter camps “On what used to be the Ruyterwacht tennis court, just behind the Grand West Casino”. Of course, true to its character, the paper reported this in sensationalist headline: White Squatters: Cape Town’s dark secret. I’m not sure what’s dark and secretive about people living in squalid conditions when a third of our people are living in shacks in this city; or is it because it now happens to be white people?

What is most disconcerting is to find that there are municipalities whose conduct is despicable, using party politics to disperse government jobs, like the Extended Public Works jobs. In these municipalities, mostly managed by the ANC, people who are know to be supporters of opposition parties, especially COPE, lose their jobs or are not hired simply because of their party association. This is despicable and the infringement on people’s constitutional rights of free association. As you can see Mr. Speaker, there’s a clear threat of political repression at the grassroots level.

We urge the provincial administration to make a concerted effort of investigating these issues and make it a point that the culprits get their comeuppance. We understand that municipalities are ultimately accountable to national government, which is why we’ve asked our colleagues in the national parliament to raise these concerns with the national government of the ANC. Most frustrating would be standing in this podium next year talking these same issues because nothing has been done about them henceforth.

Two months ago, in the person of our NCOP member, Honourable De Beer, COPE approached the MEC of education to alert him of the serious problem brooding in a certain school at Malmersbury. We felt the situation was urgent enough to warrant the MEC’s speedy intervention. Obviously the MEC didn’t think so. As the result, weeks after we had alerted the MEC, the school was burnt down by the students who were protesting the conditions under which they are made to school—a primary and the secondary sharing one school building. When the school was burning the media came in. We saw the footage on TV, and only then did the department of education in the WC saw fit to intervene, after the horse had already bolted.

Mr. Speaker, I’m not putting the blame for the burning of the school on the MEC who we’ve found very cooperative in the past on issues we raised with him. What I’m trying to say is that, as members when we approach the administration for something it not because we want to abuse our privilege by fast tracking government processes for those we favour. We notify this administration in the spirit of political cooperation about what we learn on the ground with the hope of mitigating the situation and avoiding such tragic situations.

Thank you!

CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE response to the budget speech

In Speeches on April 15, 2010 at 12:16 pm

VOTE 15 – HEALTH

13 APRIL 2010

Honourable Chairperson, Honourable Minister, Honourable Members and Invited Guests,

The occasion of this debate is engulfed by the loss to South Africa of one of the most committed revolutionaries produced by the struggle against apartheid – the late Deputy Minister of Health, Cde Molefi Paul Sefularo. It is with this sense of loss that the Congress of the People is participating in this debate.

Honourable Chairperson, the budget is the vehicle through which the government is supposed to deliver its promises to the people of South Africa. It is the barometer through which the success and failure of government can be measured.

During a similar debate last year, the Congress of the People expressed its unwillingness to support the 2009/10 budget of the department while raising several issues which I don’t think are worth repeating now as they are already on record and we need to look forward. The problems that have been raised must be resolved in order for the nation to retain its confidence in the public health services.

Let me give you a synopsis of what transpired during the previous financial year:

1. In the Eastern Cape, Health facilities are understaffed and consequently, the department is for all intents and purposes dysfunctional. Whistle blowers are victimized and forced to resign making a mockery of the Act that was intended to protect them. This means that in this particular province, corruption is institutionalized.

There are allegations that overspending of the magnitude of R1.8billion had occurred and that even so creditors were not paid. Maladministration has led to a shortage of drugs and medicines.

2. In the Free State, the saga of ARV shortages and the illegal dumping of medical waste are well documented. Bad planning saw quantities of expired medicine being disposed of when that money could have been allocated to ARV’s. It has always been the case of the money being there but without a credible plan for its utilisation.
3. In Gauteng, the Chris Hani and Charlotte Maxeke hospitals also ran out of drugs.
4. In Limpopo, the MEC appointed his cronies to provide IT systems and to profit thereby.
5. In Kwa-Zulu Natal, Hospitals are generally dysfunctional due to a shortage of staff.
6. In Mpumalanga, overspending resulted in communities not getting quality health care.
7. In the Northern Cape, newly built clinics in De Aar had no drugs. This included clinics in Barkley West, Richmond and Hanover. In this province, allegations are rife that management has neither skills nor the requisite qualifications.
8. In the North West, there are ambulances but no staff and the roads are such that ambulances and equipment cannot reach the people who need urgent medical attention.
9. In the Western Cape, there is a shortage of forensic laboratories with 5000 (five thousand) samples at Salt River mortuary having to be discarded because they could not be analysed on account of expiry. At Groote Schuur, the neurology ward had no toilet seats, toilet paper, soap or hand towels. This is a hardy perennial and yet the situation lingers.

For the Congress of the People, these concerns have to be addressed before we can even begin to talk about accessibility to quality health care. To your credit, Honourable Minister, your enthusiasm and commitment gives some hope to the people of South Africa that a turn around is possible. We will work with you to help you achieve your noble ideas and objectives.

The Congress of the People believes that the primary Health care model should be considerably strengthened. Therefore, all clinics should have medication, appropriate health professionals and access to emergency medical services.

Chairperson, during the constituency period, I paid a visit to clinics within the Frances Baard District Municipality. At the clinics in Galeshewe, Kimberley, there are no doctors, no pharmacists, no vaccines for children. Only municipal clinics have UV lights. The provincial ones don’t have UV lights and consequently 4 (four) professional nurses became infected with TB.

I hope that the Minister will ensure that during the immunization campaign, there will be adequate vaccines as at these Galeshewe clinics, immunization has not taken place for the past three months. In this case the problem is clearly not with management at these clinics but is at the level above them.

Access to quality health is not confined only to the building of new clinics. The Congress of the People believes that implementing a proper human resources development programme is vital. It is for this reason that COPE welcomes the department’s commitment to the reopening of Nursing Colleges. The training of skilled labour is never a waste of money because exporting excess labour is to the benefit of the country’s economic development.

The role of community caregivers should be acknowledged by providing them standardized training programmes and having their qualifications accredited.

Access to quality healthcare by all South Africans should be something we must speed up. The escalation in medical costs is a matter of utmost concern to COPE. The need to keep specialists’ fees in an affordable range, to have a single national hospital insurance scheme in place, and to promote primary health care very aggressively will need to be thrown open for public discussion. COPE recognizes that these are burning issues requiring all involved parties to subscribe to a mutually agreed upon policy so that the interest of the care givers and of the afflicted are equally protected.

COPE believes that within the NHI, there should be scope for Medical Aid Societies to operate as part of an integrated system of care provision. Those who can finance their health care needs should not be punished for this.

The Congress of the People is convinced that this win-win approach will contribute towards improving the effectiveness of our health care system.

COPE is also conscious of the fact that the burden of disease is a formidable challenge. HIV/AIDS is merely one of these burdens.

COPE recognizes that way forward in dealing with HIV/AIDS is to provide determined and focused leadership from the top. In this regard we were encouraged by the announcement of the President of the Republic of South Africa during the World Aids’ day last year. It is unfortunate that he is incapable of abiding by the ABC message. It is merely the case of do as I say and not as I do. This is incomprehensible seeing that he is the President.

The message, however, is the correct message. That’s why Honourable Minister, COPE supports the mass voluntary testing campaign and we will urge all our members and supporters to participate in this campaign.

Health is one of the important targets of the Millennium Development agenda. Therefore, striving for improved health outcomes should be whole heartedly embraced and promoted by all for the benefit of all, through the effort of all.

Thank You.

WCPP Session Debate on Vote 1—Premier: Western Cape Appropriation Bill [B1—2010]

In Speeches on March 24, 2010 at 4:29 pm

WCPP Session (23 March 2010)

Statement

M. Ncedana, MPL


Kukho umkhuba ogena ngentlontlo okwe mpadla woku nganyamezeli amanye amaqembu ezepolitiki yi-ANC.

Kuleveki iphelileyo; iCOPE isebenzise ilungelo layo lokuqhanqalaza epalamente ngexa yokunganeliseki ngu mongameli welizwe uJacob Zuma. Ithi iCOPE lomangameli usihlisile isidima se ofisi kapresident, kwaye akakwazi kumelana nomsebenzi wakhe, ngoko ke makahle esikhundleni.

Oluqhanqaza belusemthethweni; for that matter the police would not allow it until they saw the permission. Within an hour of COPE picketing outside parliament came the ANC supporters—brought in hired kombis. They disrupted our peaceful picketing in front of the police.

When we complained to the police we were told it’s their democratic right to demonstrate support for president Zuma too. We asked if they had permission to do that without any answer. As it turned out they didn’t have one but were still allowed to go on and disrupt us.

So they, because they belong to the ANC, don’t need a permission to picket. They are free to provoke and disrupt because they are above the law? So are we then not justified when we say we are being led to lawlessness?

As we speak our members in Durban, Claremont to be particular, were intimidated against launching branches by an ANC crowd carrying with knives, guns and sticks.

Then this weekend, the houses of our supporters were burnt down by ANC supporters and its affiliates in Claremont. Such political intolerance we last saw during the days of apartheid and those of Inkatha. Does the ruling party want us to go that route again?

This is not the first time our comrades are attacked, the same has happened at Kennedy road. The idea is to push and intimidate strong community activists that are able to mobilize communities against the failing of the government to deliver services to the people.

Abahlali basemijondolo have under this sort of attack for a long time. The leaders of the landless people have been under tremendous forms of intimidation and pressure. Like our supporters they too have lost houses and are told to go back to Transkie because they are not welcome in the KZN. They survived bullets early Sunday 27 September 2009.

The ANC is very good at speaking the language of tolerance, political diversity, democracy, etc, when it suites them. But when it comes to real practise they privately encourage their supporters not to give opposition parties, especially COPE, room to breathe.

This kind of behaviour is completely unacceptable. Freedom of expression and affiliation is something we all fought for, and it does not mean you are free to associate only with the Tripartite Alliance.

We also condemn the failure from the police to protect the citizens regardless of political persuasion.

Evidence testifies that the police were partial in conducting themselves in such incidences. I cannot say they were impartial here in front of parliament, the highest law making institution.

The state has failed to provide people with basic or essential services such as adequate toilets, clean water and electricity. Children die of diarrhoea because they don’t have clean water, women are raped because they have no safe place to do the toilet, people die in shack fires because they have no electricity.

Our people are daily being killed by the violence of the poverty. The state still refuses to treat them with dignity.

Our government, including this provincial one, is showing clear signs that it has no ability to manage and solve the housing crisis. Yet time and again we don’t see any real means of holding into account the state /politicians / ministers / mayors / councillors when they fail to attend to peoples’ needs.

We are fighting for a society in which we are all equal before the law; a state where opportunities are open for all in real terms. Where the poor are bale to easily access the judiciary system, and not only those with money.

Thank You!

************

T. Bevu, MPL

When you listen to the strategic planning of the Premier’s department, especially what they call modernisation; you get a feeling of being there before. Dejavu!

We had this in the city of Cape Town and was excited until we realised it was just another restructuring and sophisticated means of deployment.

When one recalls how sensitive the premier of the Western Cape is to the centralising tactics of the national government it is ironic to see her attempting similar means. Make no mistake, this is what in the nutshell this modernisation is all about.

When one recalls other attempts of modernisation that ended up being restructuring in departments like Health and Education, one is wary of the lack of real return and waste of resources in formulating the process.

First the Premier split and move inter-governmental relations (Local Government and Housing) with one of them moving to her office. Followed by Social Development & Environmental Affairs & Planning that have been given her special focus.

Effectively this means that these departments lose the functions of Humane Resource Management, Enterprise Management (Supply Chain, Procurements, Tenders, etc) and general detachment of legal services from the departments. All these will now fall under the Premier’s department.

What is clear with this modernisation, whose engine is what is called ‘Cooperate Services’ in the Premier’s office, is that she wants determining control over everything, especially senior appointments in all departments in the Provincial Government.

Worrying even more is the lack of consultation in planning this process of modernisation. The Premier’s department says it started the process in December 2009, but the unions (CCPWCP) deny this and say they were called to meeting late January of this year, and the process was not comprehensive.

The only thing you gain from constant restructuring are public servants that are extremely insecure and in permanent flux. In the end the failures of this kind of government undermines the vision of state.

Politicians tend to use different terms to mean similar things. Deployment of comrades or like minds is the same thing even when called by other name, like modernisation, for instance. It is still about party political control of state machinery.

We all know that it is service delivery that suffers when public servants are required to tow party political lines, or ill equipped personnel are deployed to positions of public service.

What then do we call it when professionals close to the political party are deployed to public service. It’s still called deployment, albeit a slightly sophisticated one. It might slightly improve the workings of bureaucracy but it is still not value driven. This is why COPE we promulgates the vision of a completely objective and neutral civil service.

Even more seriously is the fact that deployment is unconstitutional. It unfairly discriminates under unlisted grounds. COPE believes in the defence of our constitution under these tendencies that weakens its strength.

Public service can be delegated. What any ruling party cannot delegate is accountability. What it boils down to, when the executive deploys political managers into civil service, is the admittance that they can’t properly do their job of oversight.

Directors and their deputies and all senior provincial civil service staff (this should apply to mangers too) must have performance management agreement; and should be sacked when they fall under par.

A party that is sure of its oversight abilities will not be too worried about deploying civil servants even at a danger of them using instruments of state to play party politics. Their contracts must be performance linked and time bound, and the process of evaluating them open. To us that should have been a better start towards modernising our public service.

Statement by Dr M Dandala in the National Assembly

In Speeches on March 24, 2010 at 8:40 am

Thursday 18 March 2010

Honourable Speaker,

The Congress of the People feels very strongly that our country has abandoned, and willfully squandered the high moral ground that we as a country occupied so proudly after 1994. The President has let down our nation, Africa and the world. Our destiny that looked so promising until a few months ago, now faces a universal erosion of goodwill.

On behalf of the Congress of the People, I move that this House has no confidence in the President of the Republic. He has failed to live up to the expectations of a broad spectrum of South Africans.

A few examples demonstrate the flagrant violation of the oath he took when he occupied the highest office:

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It is common knowledge how the President has failed this nation by his repeated risky sexual behaviour thus weakening the crucial fight against HIV and Aids by setting a poor example.
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He has failed to exercise any leadership over his cabinet and political colleagues, some of whom continue to send conflicting messages on what is acceptable ethical and moral behavior.
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He has failed to act against approximately 2000 civil servants who stole more that 650 million Rand from the public purse
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Despite having the Ginwala Commission’s report available to him, he has failed to exercise good judgment by appointing a man of dubious record and poor capability as the National Director of Public Prosecution.
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He has failed to lead on the issues of accountability to this parliament by not declaring his assets and liabilities on time and only doing so eight months late and under public pressure.

This sad reality, rather than any politicking and vengeful vendetta against the President, is why we are bringing this motion before the house.

He swore at his inauguration, and I quote, “I commit myself to the service of the nation with dedication, commitment, discipline, integrity, hard work and passion”.

Speaker,the President has by his own wilful conduct and dangerously flawed judgement lost the confidence of this House and the nation. He should do the honourable thing: resign his office.

Mluleki George’s speech that led to the walk out

In Speeches on February 17, 2010 at 10:23 pm

Hon Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Mr Deputy President, members of government and hon colleagues, it is indeed refreshing, exciting and recommitting to remember the role played by one of our stalwarts in ensuring that today we can all stand here, in this Chamber, enjoying the fruits of their work. In this regard Cope wants to extend a word of gratitude to the ruling party for dedicating the State of the Nation Address to President Nelson Mandela. It is indeed befitting his contribution to the achievement of democracy in our lifetime.

Twenty years ago South Africa was full of enthusiasm, with hope for a better life. However, it is regrettable that, as we celebrate one of the most important moments in the struggle for freedom, the enthusiasm we once had is no longer there. It is further regrettable that the current President of the Republic has betrayed, and continues to betray, the hopes of the people of South Africa. President Mandela was not only the embodiment of integrity, but also struggled that all leaders must strive and lead with integrity.

The recent events affecting the President of the Republic are the direct opposite of what President Mandela struggled for. Cope is vindicated for its decision not to vote for the current President of the Republic when this House voted nine months ago.

President Mandela was an architect and champion of women’s emancipation and respect. Our President does not seem to agree with this important political position. In fact, it looks like he has made it his responsibility to contradict this important principle. Our President pretends to emulate President Mandela and yet he continues to contradict him. President Mandela has never bought votes with food parcels and empty, unrealistic promises. He did not do this, because at all times he maintained his integrity.

When required by the laws of this country, President Mandela complied and subjected himself to the rule of law through our courts, and yet the current President went through every trick available to present himself as someone above the law.

South Africa yearns for leadership and under the current President this is nowhere to be found …

It is very clear from the State of the Nation Address that with President Zuma at the helm the people of South Africa are leaderless. It is very unfortunate that this happened when we celebrate President Mandela. President Mandela was the custodian of high moral values and set a very good example as the head of the Republic.

It is very disturbing that the State of the Nation Address is extremely quiet about this important leadership quality. It appears that the nation is deliberately led to lawlessness, with absolutely no morals and respect for its people. The first nine months of the current government under President Zuma has been characterised by despondence, in-fighting in government, poor people becoming poorer …

The President appears to be an absent leader. This, Mr President, cannot be allowed to continue forever.

Hon Deputy Speaker, we call on the President and his government to prevail in the so-called nationalisation of mines. We know, as everyone else does, that this call is not an innocent one, but meant to benefit the highly privileged within the ruling party.

The name of President Mandela must not be used for mischievous intentions, and the President of the Republic has a responsibility to provide leadership in this matter. Mr President, please, prevail on that. We regret that we deliberate on this during the State of the Nation debate. The nation cannot afford to spend another day discussing so-called privatised and uncontrolled desires of the ruling elite. Thank you.

Muleki George, MP, is COPE’s National Organiser

WCPP Session Vote: 12 (Economic Development & Tourism)

In Speeches on December 10, 2009 at 4:20 pm

This is the statement given by COPE’s member of Western Cape Provincial Parliament, Tozama Bevu during the debate on Economic Development & Tourism Department.

Mr. Speaker; we are told that the poor performance of the department’s programmes was mostly put on delay by the Western Cape Liquor Act that had not been promulgated as per the end of the third quarter. Subsequently the delay resulted in the department loosing R12 million uncollected revenue.

When we look at the spending patterns of the department one gets worried about the alarming under spending. This is strange in the light of much economic development in these dire times.

This is what does not look good in this department:

• Economic Planning has spent 22.01 of its allocated budget as the end of September 2009
• Integrated Economic Development Services on business programmes in the province are almost non existent
• The same can be said of the Local Economic Development and Economic Empowerment
• The Business Regulation & Governance achieved only 42% of its targets on the 1st & 2nd quarter. Has it fared better in the last quarter?

We would suggest that the department change its course in the coming year. First it must make its consultative process inclusive to all. It must involve informal business when it makes its plans.

To effect economic transformation the province has to develop better Enterprise development that involves the presently disadvantaged. We could, for instance, do more to convince our business sector to relocate their Call Centres to township business areas.

We could persuade some South African big companies, especially those whose headquarters are here, to join their social programmes with the province’s economic development plan. But the question here is, what is the province’s economic plan?

What has this province, for instance, done about sourcing land for economic development for the poor? Yet we see a huge a lack of economic initiatives and a complete turn around from aggressive economic planning that was initiated after the 1994 elections.

Black Economic Empowerment is another thorny issue in this province. The tendency now, from the provincial and city officials, is to look for loopholes or excuses not to comply with it. Yes corruption where it exists must be stamped out. Yes BBEE should be driven by real black company ownership; but where is it in this province?

Take the R3b massive development around Valedrome Staduim for instance. Does it not worry anyone here, and the City of Cape Town in particular, that there’s not a single BBEE company involve in that development?

As COPE we think it is high time this province convenes an economic Indaba. We must invite representatives from NGOs, tertiary institutions, business, social forums, faith groups, etc, to chart our clear economic planning.

Thank you!

T. N. Bevu

COPE activists are getting killed

In Speeches on December 8, 2009 at 5:36 pm

This is the statement made by Mbulelo Ncedana, COPE MPL and leader of parliament in the Western Cape Legislature, at the parliamentary session on the 08 December 2009

There’s been a clear escalation of political intolerance in our country that has recently culminated in three of our members (COPE) being gunned down to death recently. One was the farmer in Ceres, Mr. P.M. Cillers, who had been active in establishing COPE structures in the region.

The police have since detained a culprit, a foreign national, who has admitted to having been bought to commit the crime though he’s remaining mum about who paid him.

Another active member and recruiter of COPE, Mayoyo Mantashe, was gunned down last Tuesday at Newcross. The motives of the murder at this stage are still not clear.

Another member of COPE, himself actively involved in establishing our political structures by the name of Mr. Madolwana was gunned down in his own house at Nyanga and died.

The worrying thing in all of this for us, beyond our concern with loosing valuable members of our communities, is that these incidences, though in different areas, happened next to each other. There seem to be a common factor in their deaths that of being very active in establishing COPE structures, and being good recruiters. If a coincidence it is a very strange one.

Another issue that has been worrying us is a trend in schools whose principals or acting principals do not belong to the ANC’s affiliates being haunted out of their positions. The one incidence we intervened on, with the help of the MEC for education here, is that of Ludwe Primary School, at Khayelitsha.

The acting principal of Ludwe, apparently a member of NAPTOSA, has been under pressure. As the time approaches for appointing the permanent principal nears, shenanigans are devised to get rid him simple because he’s not a member of SADTU, the member COSATU.

The driving forces of these manoeuvres are SADTU members who, during SGB meetings, bring every rank and file affiliated with their organisation to intimidate the SGB and the school parents during the meetings. To an extent that recently they went to unlawfully lock the school, preventing the staff to carryout their duties and children to attend.

It has come to our attention that these are not isolated but a strategy. A similar thing has been reported in Mulmersbury and Atlantis. These kinds of things are unacceptable, especially in a country like ours where freedom of association is enshrined in the constitution. This is what COPE means when it says its mission is to protect our constitution and consolidate our the freedoms our people gained at a high price.

Mbulelo Ncedana (MPL) is COPE member in the Western Cape Legislature

Dirty tricks and corrupt tendencies in the ANC (Western Cape)

In Speeches on October 27, 2009 at 11:41 am

LEONARD RAMATLAKANE ON THE CONFIRMATION OF COLLABORATION BETWEEN ANC PROVINCIAL LEADERS AND THE OPPOSITION PARTY IN AN ATTEMPT TO DISCREDIT OTHER POLITICAL LEADERS
In the last few days since the revelation by Helen Zille, Leader of the DA, that her party received leaked information from certain members of the ANC PEC in the Western Cape I have been inundated with requests from the media calling for comment on these leaks of information. This has compelled me to issue this statement. Under the normal circumstances it would be a matter of ANC to deal with, but since allegations were made against me through these leaks, I feel that I should comment.

During the period 2004 to 2008, the ANC in the Western Cape was led by a faction comprising, among others; Mcebisi Skwatsha and Max Ozinsky. These members of the ANC PEC and their followers were at constant loggerheads with the former Premier, Ebrahim Rasool, and those he appointed to the Western Cape cabinet that they did not approve of. Those opposed to this cabinet used all and any tactics necessary to discredit Rasool and people perceived to be close to him.

I was a particular targeted for those in the then ANC PEC in the province and accused of being corrupt, of abusing my position in cabinet to deal with opponents in the ANC for personal financial gain. I denied these allegations then and told the ANC leadership both pre and post Polokwane that the root of the destruction of the ANC in the province was instigated by the leadership of the PEC against Rasool, and certain members of his cabinet, with a special focus on myself. To this end numerous written submissions were made by myself and former Premier Rasool to the then ANC Secretary General, Kgalema Motlanthe and the current Secretary General, Gwede Mantashe. We presented them with evidence of the behaviour of the leadership in the province under the PEC. Nothing was done with this information and the acts were condoned by omission.

The revelation by Premier Zille that members of the ANC PEC leadership in the province had constantly over the past 2 years given members of the DA information in a bid to discredit the Premier Rasool, and certain member of the his cabinet is not surprising. There are numerous examples of leaks by ANC leaders in the province to humiliate Rasool and myself in particular. What is worse is that these leaks were of fabricated evidence, to lead the DA into believing that they had uncovered real corruption. Let me site a few examples that illustrates this:

• The entire furore about my expenses in allegedly renovating my family home when I was improving security, based on the threats by criminals due to my position as MEC for Safety and Security. A PEC member in Rasool’s cabinet whose identity is known to me leaked information to the DA, after failing to do what was required by regulation, that is report any alleged wrongdoing to the relevant officials.
• My entire private tax file was given to the DA, so that this security upgrade could be projected as a corrupt practice by myself even though the facts confirmed the contrary – that l never received any loan from government to undertake this work. The Auditor General’s investigation confirmed these same facts. Millions of rand were wasted investigating that entire thing that was leaked to the DA, which has now been confirmed.
• The alleged private car usage as an official car was also investigated and it was confirmed then that it was in line with existing policy.
• The other issues, such as the relationship between Dubai World and the former premier, alleged tender rigging, etc. are of a similar nature.

These are but a few examples of the conniving relationship between these members of the ANC PEC and the members of the DA. The DA was duped into running a campaign to fight political faction battles of the ANC. It has taken time for the third party confirmation of these dirty tricks, but I am relieved that it is now proven to be true. The fact that the current leadership of the ANC basically condoned these acts of political cannibalism and misuse of taxpayers money to investigate hoaxes is now a matter of record.

One of the reasons I cited when I resigned from the ANC to be a founder member of the Congress of the People was this political corruption in the ruling party. I believe that I have been vindicated in this regard. Subsequent attempts by the current ANC leadership both nationally and provincially to hold some of us on the same level as the fraudsters responsible for the demise of the ruling party in this province are also now discredited. We served our people responsibly and are proud of it.

I support the call for an independent investigation into the role and conduct of those elected members of the Legislature who conceptualised and put in to operation a series of political hoaxes in an attempt to defeat their perceived political opponents. The public must be given the full facts so that they can never be misled by such political gangsters again. On its part the DA should reflect on its naivety in accepting misleading information as credible, and using it opportunistically. Anyone who profits from fruit of the forbidden tree has a responsibility to come clean about it.

Issued by Leonard Ramatlakane, COPE, MP
Former Minister for Community Safety in the Western Cape (2001-2008)
Mobile: 082 892 6866

AFRICA HUMAN RIGHTS DAY

In Speeches on October 22, 2009 at 8:33 am

21 October 2009

I am who I am because of each of you.

Today, as we focus on African Human Rights Day, let us put the spotlight on the importance of the humanity of each of us so as not to diminish our own humanity nor reduce our own ability to enjoy unfettered fundamental human rights. How often as human beings we have trampled on our fellow beings on account of race, religion, gender, economic competition, or blind pursuit of political power.

Umntu ngumntu ngabantu!

Article 4 of the African Charter for Human rights underscores the point that “ every human being shall be entitled for respect to his life and the integrity of his person. No one may be arbitrarily deprived of this right”. Albert Einstein bemoaned the fact that unfortunately “our technology has exceeded our humanity”. Thus, today we can oppress brutally, kill on a massive scale and despoil our environment to the extent of endangering all human life.

Speaking of technology, geneticists tell us that we are the descendants of one Mitochondrial Eve who lived in Southern Africa. Our skin colours may be different but our mitochondrial genes are the same. Under the skin, we are the children of one common mother. This is an astounding revelation with major implications for the cohesiveness of humanity. That is why COPE advocates the realisation of one common national identity to overcome all manner of prejudices, bigotry and discrimination.

Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu!

On Africa Human Rights Day let us also recognise South Africa as the cradle of humanity. This places on us a great responsibility for ensuring that human rights flourish everywhere in Africa and the world. By doing so we will pay fitting homage to that great ancestral mother who gave life to all of us.

This is a steep challenge. After the exciting years of Mandela, and the soul searching ones of Mbeki that are still upon us. Mbeki famously pronounced on what being an African meant in his famous speech; I’m an Africa!

In recent experience we demeaned ourselves through pockets of invidious xenophobic and intolerant attacks. These took away the gloss of that historic declaration (I am an African) and stigmatised us after the first years of our early democracy. It also took much from the credibility of our struggle. On this day we humbly apologise for loss of life and the harm that befell the victims. It was then that we failed to be our brothers’ keepers.

Motho ke Motho ka Batho!

Just last week, COPE president Mosiuoa Lekota was prevented from addressing a party meeting in Humansdorp as was his Constitutional right. How would our struggle heroes have reacted to this? The gain of the mob was short lived but the loss to the country is incalculable. Will the government condone this?

Will the government condone the infamy attacks on people in Kennedy 8, where a gathering of people were attecked by thugs wearing ruling party associated t-shirts. Two died there, and the interesting is that the KZN police came and arrested the victims instead of the pepatrators, clearly siding with the attacks. Is this the kind of democracy we fought for, where if you happen to disagree with the government of the day you’re labelled a sellout.

On this African Human Rights Day we must also share the anguish of our brothers and sisters in Zimbabwe. When we were in chains they were enjoying their new found liberty, today we are free while they are languishing. Let us give them encouragement and support so that they can reclaim their lost rights and freedom.

The need always to extend the frontiers of human freedom is a task that we must take on collectively as fellow Africans. On account of practising ubuntu, leaders like Nyere, Lumumba, Mandela, Nkrumah, and Machel, among others, strode over Africa like giants sowing seeds of humanity.

‘n mens is a mens deur ander mense!

For ubuntu to be made manifest in every walk of life we need to see an activist state with an agenda supporting citizen democracy. From this honourable podium, often and again, I have been pleading for an activist state and for an ideology of progressivism to take root in our African soil. For us, democracy is defined as a government of the people, by the people, for the people and with people.

Munu himunu hivanu!

Speaker, in the trenches, all of us were of one common mind on the question of “Equality before the law.” Today, this is no longer the clarion call from some who sit on government benches. Through omission and commission this most sacred principle of democracy is being undermined.

Speaker, Schabir Sheik may be free but we now are in jail on account of it. Our state discredited itself to free someone who was found guilty in a competent court of law in the manner in which it did. This compromised the principle of equality before the law. This blight will in due course become a full blown cancer.

Muthu ndimuthu nghavhato!

Speaker, history is a great sieve. Most politicians go straight through it. Only a handful of political leaders remain in it and it is they who are honoured in history.

May Africa remain the cradle of humanity and may it also now become the proud custodian of ubuntu and of those fundamental human rights without which human existence is devoid of meaning and value. Let freedom live! Let freedom prosper. Let none of us be afraid to challenge those who will tamper with it in however insignificant a manner. We overcame those who extinguished the light of freedom and plunged us into infamy. We will overcome those who threaten to undermine our constitutionally guaranteed freedom to the right of unmolested assembly, to the right of free speech, and to the right to dignified life.

Long live freedom! Long live!

Smuts Ngonyama is COPE MP and National Head of Policy

DEBATE at WCPP

In Speeches on October 14, 2009 at 8:29 am

The house debates the social and economic circumstances of those who live in remote rural areas, with specific reference to access to and the improvement of transport, housing and medical care.

The objective of this Provincial government must be to build a people centred system of governance and promote a transformation of public entities to serve all its people. Yet we still have serious challenges of service delivery with some of our areas still under crushing poverty, unemployment and lack of development. Going to the length and breath of this province we discovered places that looked as, not just a bad nightmare, but another world when it comes to development.

The example of Kliprand in the West Coast should be enough to make this point, but I’m afraid it is not the only one. Kliprand is predominantly a farm area whose geography falls more on the Namaqualand, but provincially it is under this province. It’s closets town is Garies, which is in the Northern Cape. The closest main road to Kliprand is seventy kilometres through a treacherous gravel road. It people shop at Garies but when they have to access public utilities like clinics and hospitals they’ve to go to Vredendal, about 100 km away. Things like emergency services, like in most farm areas, are non existent. Simple things like giving birth are still a nightmare from the stoneage there, where an expectant mother still has to rely on skills of traditional midwifery. This is what we mean when we say we are still failing our people.

Another farm are by the name of Redelinghuys, with a population of about 1300, does not fare much better. These people have to travel about 75 km to get to a clinic at Piketberg, their closest town. As the result people here still die of treatable diseases. Most inoculations don’t reach them because the Mobile clinic that is suppose to come twice a month has ceased to operate, partly because the vehicles have been destroyed by the road conditions trying to get to the area.

There’s also the Op die Berg people, which also is a remote farming area that is served by a regional hospital in Witzenberg area. These people are supposed to be serviced by a clinic a 62 km away, but during winter they become literally locked away from the outside world, and depend on the mercies of the farmers who have tractors to negotiate the terrain. Emergency vehicles can’t come to their area because the roads are basically non existent. And you wonder why people in the farms still live in slave-like conditions.

Surely by now, 15 years down our democratic freedom, we should be asking ourselves serious questions of why things like these still exist in our country. Is this freedom when we still provide basic services like these to our people. The sad part is that some of the areas that have this basic infrastructure also sometimes lack the services of professional medical staff. This because the department of health fails to attract medical personnel to work in rural areas.

It is a known thing if you want to attract professional personnel to work in rural areas you must give them material incentives. Is this being adequately done? If so, what more can be done to make the incentives more effective. Also even those professionals who are willing to answer this call find it impossible to follow through due to inadequate infrastructure in our rural areas. This clearly shows that the problem lies with respective departments who do not fulfil their end of the bargain by providing proper infrastructure. The first place to remedy this is this house.

We need new modes of service delivery arise to achieve efficiency gains from innovative approaches. There’s a clear need for a Grassroots Economic Empowerment (GEE) to occur in order to stimulate broader capital formation in our society. GEE must be a growth strategy that allows for the inclusion of the broadest number of people in South Africa’s economy. The inclusion of farm workers and rural people in general, unempowered women, youth, the disabled, rural people, and the disadvantaged members of our communities should be advanced. As we can see the most severe forms of discrimination still continues is in respect of rural, gender and the disabled. Until we correct these we’ve no right to call ourselves free.

Perhaps I must end by emphasising that yes, the government must provide basic services. Yes, it must support communities through education and training subsidies, but the most crucial responsibility of government is to send the correct message through its deeds and words. We must be responsible about what we say and promise; it is unacceptable to give people unrealistic promises for the sake of just populist rhetoric.

Many of our communities are lying idle, and not developing its talents, hoping the government to deliver unexpected promises they were given during reckless electioneering. Those who are tired of waiting rise up in anger, vandalising public property and all. These are consequent to lies of unprincipled politicians, and it must stop before it drags us all into the abyss. We must rather encourage and help our people to explore their talents. We must in turn be accountable, and inspire them to be responsible for their own destinies.

the culture of a modern student movement

In Speeches on October 11, 2009 at 2:39 pm

SIPHO NGHONA’S ADDRESS TO THE GAUTENG COPE STUDENT MOVEMENT CONFERENCE HELD AT THE UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA ON SATURDAY, 3 OCTOBER 2009

When student bodies were established at tertiary institutions in South Africa, the rationale for their very existence was primarily to encourage and promote political activism, ensure that there was a progressive voice in places of learning that would not only represent the interests of the down trodden, but promote a culture of defiance against the system of oppression, thereby carrying out and fulfilling the liberation movement’s resolution to making the country ungovernable.

Before answering the question of what should characterize the culture of a modern student movement, we should first begin with putting student activity and protests into perspective by understanding and defining their historical role. As a result of apartheid and racial intolerance, oppression by the Government increased and was accompanied by the weakening of liberation movements and persons who accepted the consequences of open opposition to the State. The 1960’s were ushered in by the Sharpeville massacre. Defiance by the masses led to the introduction of the State of Emergency whereby two of the country’s major opposition forces (at the time as COPE was still not born), the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress were banned. As a consequence, South Africa became a police state.

Young people became more impatient and aware of the country’s volatile political situation, and physically involved themselves in shaping the country’s fate through militant and sometimes violent means. Also, taking into account that black Africans were not permitted to attend white universities, black student movements succeeded in recruiting large numbers of young people into their ranks without them necessarily being students, but fighting the liberation cause through this vehicle. The agenda at the time was simply; better quality education and access to all institutions as enshrined in the freedom charter. A culture of robust and intense debates, resulting in the creation of a cadre capable to hold his own when debating matters of national and international importance was created through this process.

We can track the country’s first student movement as the Students` Christian Association, established in 1896 at Stellenbosch University which was regarded as the centre of Dutch culture and intellectual life. This student movement identified race relations as a focus point throughout its life and work in emancipating the down trodden. Although since its inception, its work among black Africans was done separately from that of European students, a speech by the first secretary for African work, given at the University of Stellenbosch in l926, relates the sentiment of the time as follows:

“The appearance of Native speakers on an open platform to address European audiences, and especially university students, is an event in the history of the Native question in South Africa, of far reaching consequences … When students of a university are willing to listen to a Native speaker, we feel that by that very act an important bridge has been thrown over the gulf between black and white in South Africa.”

At a student conference held at the University of Fort Hare, the home of black intellectualism in 1930 where the gathering was opened by the country’s famous liberal statesman, Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr, one of the motions to the conference was “whether or not the gain of one race had to be secured at the cost of the other’s loss, whether or not the races had to be a menace to each other”. The answer was an emphatic NO!

In a wonderful gesture, the African section of the Student Christian Association had invited white students to participate in this conference. Despite the Africans arranging separate eating and sleeping facilities, generally compliant with the country’s legislation, the European delegates voted in favour of common meals. History tells us that 275 members attended the conference, and of these approximately 80 were European (English and Afrikaners). This, inevitably indicated a rise in liberalism where both black and white students could debate matters at a conference, whilst sharing facilities.

Following the conference at Fort Hare, in December l93O, at a meeting of the Council of the SCA (the highest decision making body) issued the following resolution regarding the 1926 Stellenbosch gathering:
“With regard to the criticisms which have been levelled against certain happenings at the conference, the Council… readily recognises the fact of existing racial differences, as evidence of which recognition it would point to the existence in the SCA organisation of two sections, European and Bantu. This fact and its implications are also fully acknowledged by the Bantu students themselves, as witnessed by the following statement voluntarily made by the members of the SCA branch of Fort Hare:

“Whereas it has come to our knowledge that certain people entertain some fear regarding our aims and aspirations with respect to the social relationship between Black and White in South Africa, we, the Executive and members of the South African Native College Students` Christian Association, wish to state that although we shall always expect and work for social justice for all, and shall appreciate any helpful offer or invitation from the white section of the community, we do not wish to press for any intimate social intercourse between the two races.

“The meeting of Bantu and European at the same tables and in athletic competition was unpremeditated and no part of the original programme. Strong exception has been taken to this intermingling of the races, and we recognise that deference is due to the feelings of a large portion of the South African people. From this point of view, we regret that what has happened has given rise to misunderstanding and estrangement. The Council urges all concerned to have considerate regard on all occasions for the country’s feelings in the matter of social intermingling.”

Following the success of the Nationalist Party in 1948 at the national election, and the introduction of new legislation, promulgated in 1959 such as Segregation Act, and other laws that forced the death of liberalism, this led to considerable factions and tensions within the SCA that led to its inevitable death.

The National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) established in 1924 was an organization that limited its business and concerns to student affairs. However, they were forced to take a more direct militant style due to the government’s interference in the universities internal affairs by promoting segregation. In response to the government’s segregation policies, NUSAS became involved in active opposition to the policies of apartheid.

NUSAS played a leading role in the opposition to the legislation and it was this that set the pattern for the organisation`s subsequent opposition to apartheid, and led to the formation of many other student movements that essentially fought apartheid and the state against segregation laws.

The dawn of a new political dispensation in 1994 where a black liberation movement became Government and all educational facilities were opened to all races, the role of the student movements became a blurred one without a specific definition or role, and one that still continues to grapple with its identity. This was the same grave mistake made by the governing party by failing to make the transition from being a liberation movement to one that controls the state. Student Movements too, became too embroiled in the same politics of yesteryear, in political rhetoric that had no bearing on the plight and needs of students who needed to be on-boarded into tertiary life and assisted financially, and simply failed to unite students of different colour and race. Student politics became a springboard for those with political ambitions, with some “students” going on to spend 10 years in a tertiary institution without ever studying or qualifying. Even in this day and age, you would hear people bragging that “I was a leader of COSAS or SASCO” most of which were just involved in these structures not for the right reasons, but for political careerism and advancement, whilst failing their courses in the process.
What makes a modern and progressive Student Movement of the 21st century? We should have reached a juncture where we are able to distinguish between a Student Movement, a Youth Movement and a parent body. Whilst their collective responsibility is to pursue and implement their respective mandates, it is critical that these be separated and be different operationally, though ideologically the same. Student needs vary vastly from those of a youth movement member who is employed or seeking employment or to those of more mature members belonging to the parent body.

A modern student movement in a democratic and progressive society of the 21st century should be one that subscribes to:

1) Being passionate for progressive educational reform in our country;
2) Taking a keen interest in the strategic direction of the country’s educational framework. One would have expected students to engage the Ministry of Education for their careless proposal to decrease our educational standards (bring down distinction from 80% to 70%);
3) Having student leaders setting an example by passing their exams. One point to note, nobody can ever take away your education;
4) Being willing to be a selfless mouthpiece and advocates of student concerns and needs without bashing the infrastructure and emptying out rubbish bins on our campuses;
5) Holding the university council, as well as the education ministry accountable to the plight of students through fact based and constructive engagement – that’s what builds a student cadre;
6) Encouraging a culture of intellectual, content based debate that would yield and build the next crop of leaders that can hold their own in a globally competitive environment;
7) Taking their role to being role models and custodians for the interests of students seriously (not treat the SM as a platform for pushing certain political agenda’s and factions, hence the separation between a youth organisation, a student movement and a parent body); and
8) Espousing ethics and morals fit for future academics, business and political leaders of our country.

We should also take into cognisance that the primary reason for people to attend tertiary institutions is to equip and prepare them for their future participation in the economic main stream, use the acquired education and knowledge for economic benefit and means, whilst also placing a large emphasis on ploughing back to the communities to which we come from. In his book, I Write What I Lke, written in 1975, Steve Biko said:

“Political freedom without economic freedom is meaningless, and if we have a mere change of face in governing positions, what is likely to happen is that black people will continue to be poor, and you will see a few blacks filtering through into the so-called elite.”

We shall not only attain economic freedom through Black Economic Empowerment, winning tenders, buying minority stakes in white owned businesses, but through sustainable business opportunities linked to true enterprise development, with corporations that are wholly or majority owned by our people based on delivery, merit and qualification. As reflected in the Japanese and Canadian economic model, this is true economic empowerment! That is the long term view and the undertone to the revolution that would forever transform our society.

Student movements in the 21st century have a fundamentally important responsibility to revolutionize the manner they have been doing things, and we should treat this as “BUSINESS UNUSUAL.” We operate in a globally competitive environment where these movements should be partaking in a process of bridging the critical skills shortage in the country by properly and constructively engaging the education ministry and university councils to make available bursary schemes to assist in bridging the talent shortages we face. According to research conducted by Statistics South Africa, it revealed that 97% of the economically active white youth who hold qualifications in the business, commerce and management fields are employed, while only 53,3% of African youths with qualifications in the same field were successful to find employment. This paints a bleak picture. One of the reasons for this could be based on the subjects we choose, and modern student movements have a responsibility to not only make a noise, but provide guidance where it is needed.

The youth of 1976 fought a revolution to emancipate our people from the shackles of apartheid, and left an amazing legacy in ensuring that we became a democratic society. As the youth of the 21st century, the question that is still left to be answered is: what legacy are we to leave behind? We should accept that we are no longer fighting a liberation struggle, and the days of militant rhetoric to make institutions of learning ungovernable belong in the rubbish dump!

The revolution we face has far reaching and dire consequences to the well-being of our country and our positioning in Africa and the rest of the international community. This revolution we should be fighting now is; defending the gains of our constitutional democracy, access to quality education but more importantly, we should be leading an economic revolution. We shall never succeed in our endevours to change the status quo if we don’t take our place in history by firmly taking charge of our destiny which is to revolutionize student movement activity in our country.

History has beckoned, history has chosen you, COPE Student Movement to live your legacy today, failing which, history will judge you very harshly for not having taken the opportunities presented to you.

We shall be watching your progress with a keen interest, and we shall always avail ourselves to ensure that through COPE, to which we all belong, the much needed agenda for hope and change in all sectors of society shall be realised. In conclusion, I leave you with an extract by Ben Okri, one of Africa’s renowned authors from his book “A way of being free”, which reads as follows:

“There are no joys without mountains having been climbed. There are no joys without the nightmares that precede them and spring them into light…The joys that spring from the challenges are profound. And the challenges will always be there. As long as there are human beings there will be challenges. Let no one speak of frontiers exhausted, all challenges met, all problems solved. There is always the joy of discovering, uncovering, and forging new forms, new ways.…”

Best of luck for the rest of your conference, and we look forward to engaging you on your policy resolutions, and in all we do, let us not forget our ideology that COPE “is a people centred movement, subscribing to the ideals of progressivism.”

Matla!

“A Futurist’s perspective: Legacy Leadership and the Challenges faced”

In Speeches on September 24, 2009 at 8:32 am

SPEECH BY THABO MBEKI: ABSIP STUDENT CHAPTER: WITS UNIVERSITY,
JOHANNESBURG: SEPTEMBER 23, 2009.

Director of Ceremonies,
Vice Chancellor,
Ladies and gentlemen;
Friends:

First of all I would like to thank ABSIP, the Association of Black Securities and Investments Professionals, for inviting me to address the important issue of Challenges faced by Young Emerging Leaders. I am indeed very pleased that ABSIP focuses on this issue because in good measure what will happen to our country, our Continent and the rest of the world will be determined by the quality of the leadership we develop today.

That having been said, I must confess that it is quite unlikely that I will say anything today which you do not know already. It would seem to me that with the challenges having been identified, which I am certain you have, the critical issue becomes taking action on a sustained basis to address the challenges.

I am afraid the burden for this falls on the shoulders of the Young Emerging Leaders referred to in the subject of our discussion this afternoon. It also falls on the shoulders of such institutions as this important centre of learning, the University of Witwatersrand, which must play a central role in developing the kind of leaders we need.

To develop these leaders requires conscious and purposive interventions to empower individuals with the necessary capacity so that, depending on how they conduct themselves, they do indeed emerge as leaders.

There will be no certificate issued by anybody, saying “qualified to lead”, which will thus guarantee that the individuals concerned in fact become leaders. Nevertheless, given that this is a centre of learning, I will do what I can to respect this reality, understanding that you did not invite me to address a mass rally.

It is self-evident that as society develops, it becomes an ever-more complex organism. The traditional village, with no organic links even to the next village, is a relatively simple social formation that is similarly relatively easy to study and understand.

On the other hand, a large city like Johannesburg is internally a much more complex social formation, made even more complex by the fact that it has many links both with the rest of the country as well as the rest of the world. At the same time, the traditional village to which we have referred will be sustained by a system of social relations which will favour social cohesion, and therefore a value system that encourages a greater sense of human solidarity.

On the other hand, social relations in a city like Johannesburg would be characterised by competition among individuals, emphasising a value system based on the success of the individual rather than society as an integrated and cohesive social formation.

I have mentioned these two areas – the traditional village and the modern city – to make two observations I believe must constitute an important part of the development of the young emerging leaders.

One of these is that these leaders must be empowered to understand the complex phenomenon of modern human society. This understanding of objective reality is a vitally necessary part of the exercise of leadership.

The second of these observations is that despite its atomisation, because of competitive social relations, society must nevertheless also maintain a certain level of social cohesion precisely because the individual cannot succeed and thrive outside the framework of social interaction with other individuals.

While this is objectively true, it leaves unanswered the question of what should be done so to mediate the competitive relations that they do not effectively destroy the expression of human solidarity which we must protect and develop as a public good.

Accordingly, I am convinced that the leaders we must seek to build should, in addition to having the capacity to understand objective reality, be inspired by a value system driven by a world outlook of humanism, as represented, for instance, by what all of us understand as ubuntu.

Before we return to a more detailed discussion of these two matters, namely, the ability to understand objective reality and to act on the basis of a humanist value system, allow me to cite some observations made by the African-American academic, Professor Walter Earl Fluker, in his book, “Ethical Leadership” (2009).

Professor Fluker (p 40) writes: “In order for a just civil society to exist, persons in responsible leadership roles must make decisions based on ethical guides. For historically marginalised people, the relationship of spirituality, ethics, and leadership is most urgent. With the long-range economic, political, and social costs of war, a troubled world economy, and rapid advances (crusades) in technology, science, and globalisation, we now have the makings of a social anarchy that threatens the very foundations of our social purpose. The impending catastrophic fallout of the present situation will have far-reaching negative consequences for the least of these, those whom the late Samuel DeWitt Proctor called “the lost, the left out and left behind”. At a deeper level, however, there is a spiritual malaise, a nihilistic threat promoted by
the predominance of a utilitarian individualism that appeals endlessly to therapeutic remedies that begin and end with self. Who will lead in the twenty-first century? Better yet, how shall they lead? Who will go for us, and whom shall we send? For answers to these questions, it is instructive to inquire regarding fundamental assumptions of ethical theory and how these inhere in our construction of spirituality and leadership.”

I believe that Professor Fluker is correct in much of what he says especially when he draws attention to “a nihilistic threat promoted by the predominance of a utilitarian individualism that appeals endlessly to therapeutic remedies that begin and end with self”, rather than the community.

If indeed Professor Fluker is correct, this should alert the Young Emerging Leaders to the difficult challenge they face to respond to the observation he makes that, “In order for a just civil society to exist, persons in responsible leadership roles must make decisions based on ethical guides.”

I will revert to this important matter later. For now I would like to return to the point I made earlier concerning the need for the Young Emerging Leaders to understand what I referred to as the need to empower these leaders “to understand the complex phenomenon of modern human society”.

To discuss this matter, with your permission, I would like to reflect briefly on a matter that has been hotly debated by philosophers for a very long time. This is the matter referred to as ‘freedom and necessity’.

Put simply, this is a debate about how history is made – whether it results from the exercise of their “free will” by individuals or its causality derives from forces outside of and independent of human consciousness.

Reflecting on this, the Oxford English Dictionary defines freedom as “The quality of being free from the control of fate or necessity; the power of self-determination attributed to the will.”

For his part, in a discussion entitled “Freedom and Necessity”, the 20th century English philosopher, A.J. Ayer wrote: “If the postulate of determinism is valid, then the future can be explained in terms of the past: and this means that if one knew enough about the past one would be able to predict the future. But in that case, what will happen in the future is already decided. And how then can I be said to be free? What is going to happen is going to happen and nothing I do can prevent it. If the determinist is right, I am the helpless prisoner of fate.”

The 19th century German philosopher, Georg Hegel, had also addressed this issue and come to a conclusion which I believe provides a better guide as to how we should approach the issue of freedom and necessity. In this regard, Frederick Engels said: “Hegel was the first to state correctly the relation between freedom and necessity. To him, freedom is the appreciation of necessity. ‘Necessity is blind only in so far as it is not understood.’ Freedom does not consist in the dream of independence from natural laws, but in the knowledge of these laws, and in the possibility this gives of systematically making them work towards definite ends…Freedom of the will therefore means nothing but
the capacity to make decisions with knowledge of the subject. Therefore the freer a man’s judgement is in relation to a definite question, the greater is the necessity with which the content of this judgement will be determined…Freedom therefore consists in the control over ourselves and over external nature, a control founded on knowledge of natural necessity.”

More popularly, the views expressed by Hegel have been stated as – “Freedom is the recognition of necessity.” Simply put, this asserts that the more we know about the regularities that govern nature and the development of human society, the better able will we be to use our will to determine our future.

I would like to suggest that this makes eminent good sense and is an approach which our Young Emerging Leaders should take to heart and integrate within their response to the challenge of leadership. This means that the effective exercise of leadership must, in part, be based on as thorough an understanding as possible of objective reality.

The correctness of this view is confirmed by what happened which led to the current global economic recession and the various questions this has thrown up.

If nothing else, these developments should communicate the message forcefully certainly to the members of ABSIP present here as well as the trainee economists, that indeed, as Young Emerging Leaders, one of their tasks is properly to understand the contemporary global economy.

On September 6, 2009, the New York Times published an article by the Noble Laureate in Economics, Paul Krugman, entitled: How Did Economists Get It So Wrong? Among other things, Professor Krugman said: “It’s hard to believe now, but not long ago economists were congratulating themselves over the success of their field. Those successes — or so they believed — were both theoretical and practical, leading to a golden era for the profession…

“Few economists saw our current crisis coming, but this predictive failure was the least of the field’s problems. More important was the profession’s blindness to the very possibility of catastrophic failures in a market economy…And in the wake of the crisis, the fault lines in the economics profession have yawned wider than ever…

“As I see it, the economics profession went astray because economists, as a group, mistook beauty, clad in impressive-looking mathematics, for truth…Unfortunately, this romanticized and sanitized vision of the economy led most economists to ignore all the things that can go wrong…

“When it comes to the all-too-human problem of recessions and depressions, economists need to abandon the neat but wrong solution of assuming that everyone is rational and markets work perfectly. The vision that emerges as the profession rethinks its foundations may not be all that clear; it certainly won’t be neat; but we can hope that it
will have the virtue of being at least partly right.”

Professor Krugman had made the charge that because they failed to understand objective reality, the world’s economists failed to see the then impending global financial and economic crisis. Accordingly, they failed to provide the leadership which could have resulted in various interventions being made, which would have saved the world from a crisis that has resulted in the impoverishment of hundreds of millions and an alarming growth in levels of unemployment.

So extensive was this failure to understand objective reality that there was even massive trade in financial products which even the professional traders did not understand, with many proving to be nothing more than a worthless scraps of paper.

Speaking on April 14, 2009, the Chairperson of the US Federal Reserve, Ben Bernanke, said: “The financial industry designed securities that combined many individual loans in complex, hard-to-understand ways. These new securities later proved to involve substantial risks – risks that neither the investors nor the firms that designed the securities adequately understood at the outset.”

In this regard, on 13 March 2009, the outgoing Governor of the South African Reserve Bank, Tito Mboweni, went further to say: “The global financial system is a finite entity, and although risk can be passed around, it does not disappear. We had probably underestimated the inter-linkages of financial systems across the globe, and the extent to which globalisation had created a complicated network of circuits for the contagion of financial risk…

“The current crisis resulted from a specific combination of a number of causes. For years, liquidity in global financial markets was mispriced, and therefore generally taken for granted. Interest rates were low, and huge profits were locked in through carry trades where funding could be obtained at a minimal cost in overnight markets, and invested in high-yielding longer-term assets…”

These statements by two central bank governors emphasise precisely the point that even they failed to understand what was happening in the global financial markets and therefore did not provide the leadership that was necessary to avert the financial crisis which led to the current global recession.

In the aftermath of this recession, other important questions have arisen. These include:

• what should be done about companies that are “too big to fail”, and therefore the consequent challenge of what is called “moral hazard”?
• in a capitalist economy, is it possible so to limit the concentration and centralisation of capital to avoid the emergence of monopolies and oligopolies made up of companies that are “too big to fail”?
• is it possible to avoid the “socialisation of risk” such as would be assumed by private corporations: if not, what benefits should society derive from such “socialisation of private risk”? and,
• more generally, what role should the state play in the economy, with
regard both to the ownership of companies and the regulation of the
market?

I pose these questions without providing any answers, once again to underline the point that our Young Emerging Leaders will have to participate in the effort to answer them. For them to be helpful to society, those answers will have to be based on a profound understanding of the process of contemporary social development.

I have insisted on the critical necessity for our Young Emerging Leaders to be empowered to understand objective reality in part because it is self-evident that countries that have to undergo a process of fundamental social transformation, such as ours, need such empowered leaders.

In addition, our experience over the last fifteen years has said to me that in many instances many in our country have not fully understood the scale of the challenge contained in the words we have used very often – namely, the eradication of the legacy of colonialism and apartheid.

Precisely to ensure the achievement of this objective, in its Founding Provisions, our Constitution enjoins all of us to work so that our country achieves such objectives as:

• equality;
• non-racialism; and,
• non-sexism.

I am certain that there are very few South Africans, if any, who today would, for instance, question the need for us to transform ours into a non-racial country.

The reality however, is that because this objective, like the others mentioned in our Constitution, cannot be realised in a short time, the Young Emerging Leaders will still be faced with the task to lead the country as it continues to strive to implement the Constitutional prescription to build a non-racial society.

In this regard the Young Emerging Leaders will have to answer various questions for themselves, such as:

• what exactly do we mean by a non-racial society?
• what benchmarks should we set to measure the progress we are making in this regard?
• to the extent that the creation of such a non-racial society entails radical socio-economic change, as it must, what should this change be?
• what resources should and can our economy generate to finance this change? and,
• what should be done to nurture a sense of common patriotism, a shared national identity that would give meaning to the vision of non-racialism?

Unless we answer these and other questions, and similar ones about the equally important issues of equality and non-sexism, and communicate them to our people as a whole, so long will many among us entertain and express expectations that cannot be met. As all of us know, sometimes this can lead to social instability.

I trust that what I have said is sufficient to underline the importance of the need for our Young Emerging Leaders fully to respect the need for them to gain detailed mastery of the objective reality which they will be called upon to help transform.

As I said earlier, I would now like to return to the observation that Professor Fluker made about “a nihilistic threat promoted by the predominance of a utilitarian individualism that appeals endlessly to therapeutic remedies that begin and end with self”, rather than the community.

I am certain that, given the attention this has received from many intellectuals for at least two centuries, there is no need here to make a presentation about the connection between capitalism and the individualism to which Professor Fluker refers.

In this regard for instance, Ronald Takaki said in his book, “Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth Century America”:

“The fusion of Protestant asceticism and republican theory provided the ideology for bourgeois acquisitiveness and modern capitalism in the United States…Eighteenth century republicanism accelerated this thrust toward commodity accumulation and the primacy of the marketplace, as it disintegrated the feudal order and freed men as individuals to prove their virtue in the pursuit of possessions.”

Members in this audience will recall that on previous occasions, in this context, I have cited what the financier George Soros had written in his article, “The Capitalist Threat”, published in the February 1997 edition of Atlantic Monthly. I beg your indulgence once more to cite what Soros said, as follows: “Insofar as there is a dominant belief in our society today, it is a belief in the magic of the marketplace. The doctrine of laissez-faire capitalism holds that the common good is best served by the uninhibited pursuit of self-interest. Unless it is tempered by the recognition of a common interest that ought to take precedence over particular interests, our present system — which, however imperfect, qualifies as an open society — is liable to break down…

“There has been an ongoing conflict between market values and other, more traditional value systems, which has aroused strong passions and antagonisms. As the market mechanism has extended its sway, the fiction that people act on the basis of a given set of non-market values has become progressively more difficult to maintain. Advertising, marketing, even packaging, aim at shaping people’s preferences rather than, as laissez-faire theory holds, merely
responding to them. Unsure of what they stand for, people increasingly rely on money as the criterion of value. What is more expensive is considered better. The value of a work of art can be judged by the price it fetches. People deserve respect and admiration because they are rich. What used to be a medium of exchange has usurped the place
of fundamental values, reversing the relationship postulated by economic theory. What used to be professions have turned into businesses. The cult of success has replaced a belief in principles. Society has lost its anchor.”

The fact of the matter is that ours is a capitalist society. Accordingly, it cannot be insulated from the processes described by Ronald Takaki and George Soros, which necessarily, seriously militate against the achievement of the important objective of social cohesion.

It was because he recognised this challenge in his own country, the United States, that Professor Fluker said that, “In order for a just civil society to exist, persons in responsible leadership roles must take decisions based on ethical guides.”
Clearly, we will fail to build “a just civil society” if we allow the view to dominate that, as Soros said, “The doctrine of laissez-faire capitalism holds that the common good is best served by the uninhibited pursuit of self-interest”, and therefore that “People deserve respect and admiration because they are rich…(because) What used to be a medium of exchange, (money), has usurped the place of fundamental values…”

As he said, in these circumstances, society would lose its anchor.

The point we are making is that the Young Emerging Leaders will also have to take on the difficult task of mediating the processes immanent to the capitalist system which Takaki and Soros described, exactly because it must be the central task of these Leaders to help build the “just civil society” to which Fulker referred.

To create this “just civil society”, Soros argued that the “uninhibited pursuit of self-interest” should be “tempered by the
recognition of a common interest that ought to take precedence over particular interests.” Unfortunately, this result cannot be achieved by decree, in much the same way that fundamental social change cannot be brought by decree.
Among others, it will entail both the judicious use of the social wage and a sustained political and ideological struggle to mobilise society not to fall victim precisely to the faulty reasoning which manifested itself among economists, which Professor Krugman repudiated, of a virtually theological belief in infallible markets.

The challenge of the renewal of our Continent, Africa, must continue to occupy a prominent place on our national agenda. I am certain there is no need to convince you of this. Our country is an inseparable part of our Continent. Its future cannot be decided outside the context of the destiny of Africa.

I remain convinced that the renaissance of Africa can and must be achieved. By its nature this is a long-term project requiring our sustained attention, side-by-side with all other Africans. You, our Young Emerging Leaders must therefore understand this that the task to achieve Africa’s renewal will inevitably be an important part of the agenda you will have to address.

In this regard it is critically important that our Young Emerging Leaders should familiarise themselves with such important policy documents of the African Union as the Constitutive Act, NEPAD and the various Conventions and Protocols that have been adopted by our Parliaments. Similarly, we have to make a serious effort to gain a better understanding of our Continent as a whole, going beyond such information as might be provided by the media.

In addition we must also act vigorously to build the necessary networks with other Young Emerging Leaders elsewhere on our Continent as part of the process of building the popular movement we need to promote the African renaissance.

As you know, during the advance towards the achievement of this objective, we will experience many defeats and reversals. However I would to urge you that you should never despair, and assure you that your peers throughout Africa remain inspired to engage in struggle to achieve the re-birth of their Continent.

With regard to everything we have said, and needless to say, you, our Young Emerging Leaders must understand that you are not mere technicians but leaders of people.

Thus to lead, means to engage the people in an honest and sustained manner to mobilise them so that they too play an active and conscious role in the process of fundamental social transformation rather than remain as immobilised spectators who expect government to “deliver”. It means learning the habit always to tell the truth and thus
cultivate the confidence of the people in you who will be their leaders.

Let me conclude by quoting yet another passage from the book, Ethical Leadership by Walter Fluker:

“In a world threatened by the onslaught of disease, poverty, and war, we need more than ever a new generation of leaders who will embrace the strangeness of compassion that creates a new language of community for America and the world. How strange would it be to see a new cadre of leaders who are spiritually alert and ethically centred, who dare
to make a track to the water’s edge? These leaders must take as their moral compass a renewed vigour in the struggle for justice and a heart filled with compassion for the stranger – the radically different other in whose face we see our own and the face of the new world that calls us. These are the leaders who stand at the intersections of character, civility, and community and dare to re-imagine the world.”

The question is – will our Young Emerging Leaders be such leaders who, having re-imagined the world, take steps to remake it in favour of the community made up of millions of ordinary people!

This question can only be answered by yourselves more through what you do rather than what you say.

As Frantz Fanon once said – “Every generation out of relative obscurity discovers its mission; it either fulfils it or betrays it.”

Thank you.

History and achievements of Africans includes relevance of African heritage, values and customs in today’s world

In Speeches on September 21, 2009 at 12:26 pm

Keynote address by
COPE Parliamentary Leader Dr. Mvume Dandala
17 September 2009, Cape Town to the Black Management Forum (Cape Towm)

Let me thank the organisers for this wonderful opportunity for us to share our thoughts on the important issues of the day. South Africa needs this kind of intervention where we must unpack the developments around us and answer the question; what is my contribution going to be in building a new society we so desperately need.

As we celebrate heritage month, it is important that we recognize that one of the most critical legacies that we can bequeath to generations to come is the legacy of African leadership. Such a legacy – at least in theory – is a leadership that is underpinned by that illusive concept of Ubuntu: The recognition that we only exist because of others. We are human because we have such humanity in relation to other human beings. For me this sums up Africa’s biggest message to the world – this sums up the essence of Africa’s heritage as well as its values.

Due to the ills that are often associated with the African story, little has ever been said in celebration of our continent’s leadership in the face of the most vicious onslaught of colonization. In many African countries it took men and women who were very brave to stand up against powerful forces including imperialists in order to overcome colonialisation and free their countries from dehumanizing occupation of their ancestral land.

The heroes of African liberation have bequeathed a legacy of self determination and liberation to future generations. These leaders were the last line of defence between the total desecration of African traditions, cultures and customs and whatever was left after years of oppression. For this, we must celebrate them. It is a major achievement that African religion and world view as well as African literature and arts survived the colonial onslaught in many countries.

The extent to which cultural practices relating to social power relations, music, arts and traditional dress still characterize many African societies can only be attributed to the resilience of such African Leadership. While it is my considered view that by and large Africa has defended its roots and therefore its future, I would equally submit that the future still demands a greater commitment from Africans to defend and claim the space for their heritage in the modern world.

In some instances however historians concur that the replacement of the colonial power with local oppressors, in a form of insensitive and often unelected governments or even military rulers, does not help matters when it comes to the next big challenge facing post liberation societies – Reconstruction.

Somebody once claimed that African governments have not merely failed to develop Africa, but in most cases such development was never even a goal in their plans. Rather, regimes have often committed to a spirit and programmes of patronage. It is true that a foreign hand with selfish interests can often be detected in most of our continent’s traumas. But we cannot afford to be complacent about this, for the success of such an invisible hand is judgement against vigilance of African Leadership.

The legacy of conflict, in some instances resulting in needless wars, civil strife and as we now painfully know in cases such as Rwanda’s, a horrible genocide, poses one of the clearest challenges that modern African leaders must overcome and transform.

In all these instances of the project of liberation gone wrong, the capacity of African leadership both in the individual countries and as a collective in the continent has been brought under huge scrutiny. The successes and the failures are a legacy we should learn from by analysing, understanding and correcting future trends as societies in transition. Such learning must be rooted in a commitment to rediscover and locate in the centre of our efforts, a recognition of what is best in Africa, and what good we can identify in the legacy of other nations to be relevantly appropriated for the best of Africa.

For purposes of our discussion tonight I would like to zone into the issue of African leadership as an anchor and vanguard of African legacy, its customs and traditions. I call for deliberate and conscious commitment to understanding the value of such legacy, as well as the role of our current leadership in making our heritage relevant to today’s contemporary challenges of our continent. I take this opportunity to salute Dr Phinda ka Madi for his gallant effort through his book, Leadership lessons from Emperor Shaka!

Firstly, the tendency of our leadership to fail to read the currency and relevance of their leadership roles. There continues to be a view, if not practice in our society that when Africans assume leadership, particularly that of major institutions they must prove that they have been adequately mentored and have mastered the white ways… ‘Bangabelungu abamnyama.’ We too succumb easily to this view. When one takes a contrary view that insists that Africans have much to give that is valid from their own experience, that is often taken with a pinch of salt.

Perhaps we are to blame for often presenting the African legacy in half cooked measures that do not allow it to stand the test. Hence my affirmation of efforts like those of Dr Madi that put the African right at the centre of today’s challenges and agendas. To call for an African agenda should never be an excuse for lowering standards. It should instead push us to greater heights of excellence and achievements that will stand ground anywhere and anytime.

One notes with sadness how a call for transformation from the racial past of our country is often misunderstood as an expression of a spirit of entitlement. Perhaps we may have acted ourselves in ways that lend evidence to this laxity of discipline and application. Those who have an understanding of the value of this call have got to accept the immensity of this call on their lives. It may even lead them to take positions that may not always be popular even with the Africans sometimes.

We talk about Black Consciousness and Steve Biko as something that is not only revolutionary, but also something that fills us with joy. But the fact is that this philosophy was not always celebrated in his lifetime, for it puts demands on black people to excel and claim the right to stand within the family of nations, proud of who they are and proud of their legacy. It was never an effort to carve a comfort zone for black people. This is equally true of the call to claim the African legacy. It is not an excuse to hide behind what Africans know and thus shy away from putting themselves at the cutting edge of competition and intellectual combat.

The Afro American scholar, Booker T. Washington chastised his fellow freed slaves when he felt that they were being weakened by the spirit of entitlement from all the suffering as slaves. In building Tuskegee College as a centre for their empowerment he uttered those words that have rung through the centuries… ‘No nation can be free until it learns that to till a field is as honourable as writing a poem!’ The hardwork that had been meant as a humiliation for the slaves, was yet the only way to their dignity. The spirit of entitlement that is foreign to the heroic legacy of the African people. It has to be rooted out in our lifetime. And it is only African leaders who can legitimately be champions of this campaign.

This tendency to entitlement expresses itself sometimes as a claim to leadership. Those who led Africa out of colonialism and oppression have been often found to be prone to be claiming for themselves the mantle of leadership irrespective of the value of their leadership to the greater populace. In some African countries this has even been illegitimately transferred to members of the families and/or fellow liberators in spite of them being totally unable to reinvent themselves to better respond to the challenges of reconstruction and development. Countries end up imploding first before they can take heed of the challenges to serve their people and lift them from poverty. This kind of leadership holds Africans as hostage and must be rejected in favour of robust democratic processes.

Indeed another trend that must worry us is the issue of complacency of our leaders once they are in power. A cursory glance of development trends reveals that most African nations have experienced a slump in development hardly a few years into liberation. A heightened sense of connection with the aspiration of our people disappears quickly, with leaders defining themselves and their reign with scandal, corruption and patronage rather than entrench a long lasting legacy of development intervention. I make this statement to accentuate the point that development, caring for people and lifting people out of poverty seems to rank low in the list of priorities for leaders once liberation is achieved.

It has therefore unfortunately become common cause that the struggle for economic emancipation hits a snag – even in the most visible of forms. Deteriorating and dilapidated infrastructure, disinvestment by foreign business interests and the collapse of basic services for our people. And this always follows like clockwork the enrichment of a strategically placed people. If we look at numerous capitals around the continent, very few will quarrel with the fact that most of them are shadows of their former selves.

In fact for some, the last major improvements to their economic backbone such as roads were last done before liberation. And yet even in these capitals the African customs, the arts and so on thrive, not because of the support from government but rather in spite of lack of such support. Anybody who recalls how African arts and culture provided the backbone of the struggle against colonial oppression, will also remain convinced that these will be yet again tools for the continuing liberation of Africans even from the sidelining by their own. To kill the resilience of the hope of Africans, one will have to kill their celebration of their legacy of arts and culture first. Because only where there is a dearth of arts and culture will the death of creativity certainly follow.

The apartheid regime was not being unimaginative when it focused itself on putting African cultural heritage on a stranglehold. They knew that cultural creativity is the fertile ground for lateral thinking, be this political or economic. It is not coincidental that the feeder for our own struggle internally and externally was our cultural and artistic heritage. Understanding African cultural gurus like Khabi Mngoma, who never touched an AK-47, suffered greatly at the hands of our tormenters for their recognition that one could never separate the future of a free South Africa from the cowhide Drums, as Oswald Mtshali would say. God forbid that our modern African leaders will be misled to sacrifice this legacy at the expedient altar of ‘modern technology’ as a primary pursuit.

The preservation of culture and norms of our continent will remain a delusion if there is no environment created where these can thrive. I can imagine that a country going through a civil war, where gun toting people roam the streets, using children as child soldiers and so on will not have the time for folklore and oral tradition where customs are taken from generations to generation.

Where there is no democracy development will also not thrive. It is important that we understand that the building block of our customs is the civil atmosphere through which these can be practiced. This includes the ability to educate the nation in a manner that is supported by good leadership.

What kind of leadership therefore does Africa need given all these flaws? What is the role of professionals like yourself both here and across the continent?

Allow me to submit that we need:
• A leadership that is rooted in communities, that celebrates and seeks to enrich the lives of our communities: This will ignite a partnership between community leaders and community members to shape the future together. Partnerships can only take off if leaders are not detached from communities.

• A visionary leadership: A leadership that can see beyond their current situation and their current term of office and will make it their business to promote African culture, customs and traditions and apply these in the modern context focusing on development.
• Compassionate leadership: Leadership that is empathetic to the needs of the people, their hopes and their future.
• Servant leadership: Leaders who understand that to lead is to serve, and not to seek to be served and gratified.
• Accountable leadership: Leaders, who will encourage accountability, stamp out corruption and promote a culture of excellence.

All of these qualities are underpinned by a respect for who we are as children of Africa. This is very relevant today as we remember leaders such as Biko who argued for a heightened sense of consciousness about a sense of respect for self and for others – a prerequisite of a successful African renaissance; the concept of Ubuntu underlined by fundamental care for others as well as the celebration of diversity. While we must hold up political leaders as a mirror of broader society we should be clear that these pointers apply equally to all leaders, be they corporate, religious and/or community leaders. The question is; how do we in our boardroom today make an impact that gets our companies to contribute to the affirmation of African existence?

We must commit to repositioning companies to respond to transformation challenges; to making the companies diverse, ensuring that difficult issues that require courage are faced, such as the acceleration of employment equity, the creation of opportunities for small and micro enterprises and the investment into communities that have an equal claim to being South African, even if they are poor. For me this is the most poignant way to apply the values of Ubuntu into our business environment. Lifting each other, making sure we all play our part in turning the legacy of African leadership into practical benefit for the economic emancipation of our people.

It is with this in mind that I call for leadership from amongst you that will be active in spreading the wealth of our country by empowering the young and the rural communities to be part of reaping the rewards of the stability that has been brought to our country through freedom. If we do not do this, all we are doing is to build up reservoirs of resentment amongst our people and reinforce chasms between the poor and the wealthy of our country. Such is a situation we do not desire but a situation that will not go away but for concerted common action spearheaded by courageous African leaders. If people amongst you do not take action we will not succeed.

South Africa needs a leadership that is long on action and short on promises.

*Dr. Mvume Dandala is Cope Paliamentary leader

Congress of the People on the role of interim leadership structures of the party

In Speeches on September 9, 2009 at 10:00 am

COPE is a newly formed organisation. As a result many of its structures are interim. In recent weeks there has been a tendency for some members of the party and of media commentators to question the legitimacy and powers of these structures and the decisions they make. In extreme cases, parallel structures have been set up. The CNC of COPE has discussed this issues and resolved as follows:

1-All interim structures of COPE provinces, regions and branches and of the Cope Youth Movement and COPE Womens Forum are the only legitimate structures of the party.

2-Any other structures set up parallel to these are not recognised
by the party and should be immediately disbanded.

3-Any dissaffected or unhappy COPE member has the right to raise any issue or concern thay have within COPE structures and to a higher structure if they are not satisfied with the response on their matter.
4-All members of COPE are reminded that they are not allowed to communicate to the media on any issue unless authorised to do so by the appropriately mandated structure.

COPE is committed to democracy, transparency and to disciplined behaviour by its membership. Any complaint by a member of the party will be attended to and addressed, as long as it is raised in the appropriate manner and through the proper structure.

Mosiuoa Lekota is the president of the Congress of the People

I have a Dream!

In Speeches on August 29, 2009 at 10:23 am

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.

One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.

This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.

This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.

We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: “For Whites Only.” We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest — quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering.

Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification” — one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; “and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”2

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day — this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! Free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

Zuma’s 100 Days : Some critical reflections.

In Speeches on August 23, 2009 at 11:14 am

When Jacob Zuma was elected President of the Republic over 100 days ago, the leadership of the Congress of the People wished him well and, quite sensibly, decided to suspend all prior judgment of his suitability for the high office. We genuinely pledged our support to him. We have, however, been disappointed with a number of his early actions. His failure to use his position to unite the nation by acting more as SA’s, not the ANC’s, president has emerged as one of his biggest blind spots. Left unchecked, it could, like all blind spots, prove fatal.

Zuma failed to stop the blurring of lines between the party and state. On June 16, for example, he showed poor judgement when he appeared on the same state platform with Julius Malema, the ANC Youth League president, to launch the National Youth Development Agency. It was at that function where Malema demanded free education and a share of the 500 000 jobs promised by Zuma in his state of the nation address. This is dispiriting and divisive.

Similarly concerning is the practice of making ministers account directly to Luthuli House instead of – or in addition to – having to account to Zuma or Collins Chabane, his performance monitoring minister and architect of the new governance structure.

A more substantial matter that has dominated the first 100 days is: who’s running SA? What is clear is, it’s that it’s not Zuma; but a combination of defacto ‘Prime Minister’ Gwede Mantashe and the emboldened ANC’s alliance partners.

The issue of corruption continues to be a cloud that hangs shamefully over our body politic. If the report of SCOPA two weeks ago singling out over 2 000 civil servants for shady dealings through the government’s procurement system is a true reflection of the current status, we have to believe that there is a crisis. Again, the president has not made it a habit to speak out on corruption. We should hear his voice more when these terrible revelations are brought to the attention of Parliament. Given his controversial path to power, this is one area where he cannot send mixed signals. Sadly he does.

Related to ending corruption is the fight against crime. A lot has been said about the harsh actions that police must take. Zuma must take leadership in calming the nation down to understand that fight against crime is a national effort and cannot be won by police brutality or war talk. In fact, examples of countries where that strategy has only brought more violence abound. The danger of criminals attempting to out-arm the police is real and needs to be faced down. Unfortunately, the appointment of Bheki Cele as police commissioner, joining two other politicians, only served to underline that party loyalty still takes precedence over technical and professional competence.

Three months down the line we still have no transparency about what the establishment of such a huge cabinet is costing the tax payer. Nor what its deliverables are. Equally opaque are decisions informing the key appointments other than removing Mbeki’s appointments. For example, it is still not clear why Tito Mboweni refused to stay on after being reappointed and why the president or the government never defended him from verbal abuse by the ANC’s labour allies. Or, better still, why Dikgang Moseneke, the deputy chief justice, was overlooked for nomination to succeed Pius Langa as chief justice. Our suspicion – and we look forward to being proven wrong – is that independence of thought is not an attribute the president holds dear. We saw this also when the ANC resisted the appointment of Dr Mamphele Ramphele to chair the interim SABC board. Apart from this saga demonstrating continuing ANC intolerance, it showed the ANC up as refusing to accommodate divergence of views. The Presidents’ voice was muted while all this was being implemented in his name.

The establishment of the monitoring function was meant to produce performance contracts for ministers. In June, Zuma promised parliament that at the end of July all ministers will have performance contracts. We have not yet seen this come to pass. It is important that government is able to meet its own deadlines. We need to tone down the promises and get down to the business of implementation.

It was not all gloom. The agenda of SA on the international stage, while it was not with flying colors’, was also not a spectacular failure; SA was reasonably represented. It is hard to remember what the president said to the G8 leaders; nor what came out of his bilateral with US President Barack Obama or his foreign minister, Hilary Clinton. Still, thankfully, we have not had more embarrassments like the refusal to grant travel documents to the Daila Lama into our country. Our agenda remains unclear with the rebranded ministry but we admit that it is early days and that Zuma and the new minister in that areas of governance need more than just three months to determine a clear policy direction.

We must commend Zuma for his hands-on style whilst visiting stakeholders, teachers, municipalities. But is this sustainable into the future? If not, it will come back to bite his administration. People are impressed less by the gimmicks that make headlines; but more by the actions that improve their lives.

The problems of our country cannot be resolved by the ANC alone. The undertakings to work with other representatives of the people in parliament have to be followed through. We remain ready to work with Zuma for the good of all. But Zuma has to make the transition from being ANC president to being the nation’s leader.

Dr Mvume Dandala is COPE Parliamentary Leader.

Cope’s input on service delivery debate

In Speeches on August 18, 2009 at 2:59 pm

18 August 2009

Many reasons have been given for the current service delivery protests, but it is clear that the people on the ground are generally dissatisfied with the delivery of basic municipal services such as running water, electricity and toilets, especially in informal settlements. When you consider the growing number of people without these basic needs to sustain life it appears callous that there are people who think these expectations are unrealistic.

Unemployment (officially at around 23%), high levels of poverty, poor infrastructure, and the lack of houses add to the growing dissatisfaction in the poor communities. Of course there was another of irresponsible bloating of people’s expectations during the electioneering period. For instance, in Embekweni, at Paarl, just two months before elections, people were given houses and food parcels. A lot of noise was raised as about 40 houses were delivered to the people with the promise that more were soon to follow. But nothing was seen as a follow up; instead government officials tend to now avoid these areas as they burn with frustration and unfulfilled promises.

Ndike ndabuza ilungu lekomiti yesigqeba sikaceba khona phaya, uThembelani Zweni, ukuba zinto ingxaki zabo kwelasebe. Ungxunguphalo lwakhe lubonakele eqala ukuthetha. Ngaphezu kokunqaba kwenkonzo zophuhluso, nezo kuzilolongana, ubabaze ukunqaba koceba wabo. Uthi lizinyo lenkukhu; bamgqibela ukumbona ngexesha bekuza kuvotwa. Kezona intlanganiso zesigqeba baneminyaka uceba engasazibizi. Abantu abazi nokuba mabaye kubona bani xa benengxaki, into apha eyenza bavuthe ngumsido, ikhokhelele kuqhanqalazo. Abantu bathi bashiwe enyanyeni nezithembiso zaphambi kovoto ziphelele eboyeni ekwe zithukuthuku zenja. Bathi baqwalasela ukuba lento isoloko isenzeka oko baqala ukuvota ngo 1994; kwaye ngoku baphelelwe ngumonde.
[I recently asked a Ward Committee member there, Thembelani Zweni, if they have heard any reports about progress on promises and forthcoming plans. He told me the last they had anything resembling an official government meeting was about three years ago. And they last saw their Councillor just before the last elections. This is the kind of thing that makes local municipalities dysfunctional. People on the ground feel left on the lurch. And this has been a recurring theme with every elections since 1994. Signs are people are now losing patience.]

In Chatsworth at Malmersbury, for instance, they are still forced to use a bucket system; water and sanitation are virtually non existent. In their township of Lingelethu a Senior Secondary School has been squatting at a primary building. The principals there leave every three months due to frustrating working conditions; and you wonder why results in black schools are not improving.

The interesting thing is that when you investigate the issue a little you discover that the land to build the school was allocated as far back as five years ago; but somehow each year the funds for building are not available, and no explanation is given to the people who were promised the school. Can it be really correct Mr. Speaker that a township like Lingelethu, with a population that is over 6 thousand people, does not have a single senior secondary school? Let alone that fact, this is the only black senior secondary school from Atlantis to Springbok. We are failing our people, Mr. Speaker.

We know of the case of the land that was made available for a housing development in Vieldrift, for instance, only to be sold to private developers at the last minute because it happens to be prime land that is in much demand for private development. How do you expect people to be cheerful and upbeat about such things? Basic support for living must be our priority or we’ll get all else wrong.

I’m glad that the Secretary General of the ANC, Gwede Mantashe, as reported in the Mail and Guardian, has finally admitted that putting unqualified people, or inexperienced as he puts it, councillors is one of the things that is stunting service delivery in the municipalities they lead. It has also been realised that much too much money is spent in paying local official’s salaries and other administration cost. Most of this money is what should be invested on building infrastructure and service delivery.

And all the foolish talk about the third forces is nothing but a monkey’s branch. Of course most people will tolerate the conditions of any life they are used to so long as they do not see an external factor as its cause, or making the situation worse. This is why sudden downturns (e.g. in the economy or politicians getting rich) make things conspicuous, exposing major gaps between expectations and reality and resulting in present frustrations and discontent. The frustrated expectations and the attitude of not wanting to be accountable by most public figures are heading us towards an open revolt.

Thank You!

Tozama Bevu, MPL (Western Cape Legislature)

On the Dissolution of the SABC Board

In Speeches on July 1, 2009 at 1:48 pm

COPE INPUT SPEECH ON NATIONAL ASSEMBLY DEBATE ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THE SABC BOARD

Honourable Speaker
Honourable Members

Today the chickens have come home to roost. What we have always suspected have now come to pass. Executive members who plunged the SABC into financial disaster remain in their jobs, while Board members who together with workers at the SABC tried to correct the situation are being dissolved.

South Africa is paying a very high price for the recommendation before the House to dissolve the Board. Those of you who regards this as a victory over a board you have always wanted to dissolve from day one be warned. This is a hollow victory.

All it has done is to ruin the integrity of our democracy, of Parliament as a constitutional entity, of the public broadcaster as an independent body and of several highly qualified, dedicated members of the Board who were prepared to serve their country as non-executive members of the public broadcaster.

Instead of enforcing accountability in terms of the Constitution, the Broadcasting Act and the Public Finance Management Act, the ANC was playing politics by colluding with certain elements in the SABC management while casting a blind eye to the many serious financial challenges and irregularities that the Corporation faced.

Speaker, even if only 10% of the alleged irregularities tabled in the Committee is true, several senior managers should be charged and prosecuted and if found guilty serve time if we are serious about implementing the PFMA.

What are some of the allegations?
• That ANC T-shirts were printed on the account of the SABC;
• That some members of management did not declare their vested interests in procurement processes;
• That management work was outsourced to consultants, to the extent that management wanted consultants to attend Board meetings on their behalf;
• That management would interfere in tender adjudication and split tenders so as to avoid subjecting tenders to Board approval;
• That management created expectations with preferred bidders that their tenders would be accepted, even if their tenders did not fall within the budget;
• That management suggested to the Board to reach an out of Court settlement with an unsuccessful bidder.

COPE supports the motion on condition that the very serious allegations be investigated to the bone. We insist on transparency – on a forensic audit of management practices and irregularities and very important – on real action in terms of the PFMA.

This sad chapter in the history of the SABC is the first real test for parliament to root out fraud and corruption regardless of party political affiliation. We have a duty to protect the public purse as well whistle blowers against any form of harassment and intimidation.

We call on a full investigation of the SABC executives and their role in embezzling the public funds. We call on the ANC to return the money they received in the form of T shirts. We call on them to tell the country what other benefit they received from the public broadcaster. We will leave no stone unturned to recover public funds which were used inappropriately including that which went to the ANC.

We challenge the ANC to now restore the integrity of the SABC and Parliament by exposing the wrongdoings of their highly placed political comrades in the SABC.

I thank you.

*Mbhazima Shilowa is COPE’s deputy president and Parliamentary Chief whip

Cope (Western Cape Legislature) Input on Health Debate

In Speeches on June 24, 2009 at 4:02 pm

Thank you! Mr. Speaker
Allow me to extend our congratulation, first to the official opposition party here, for devising such a pro-poor budget, and to the ruling party for having wisdom to table it for adoption.

The core function of the Department of Health, Mr. Speaker, includes finding effective ways for prevention of disease, promotion of health, providing effective emergency and curative service to the general public at reasonable terms, and rehabilitation and chronic care for those who need. We still have serious short-fallings.

Numerous promises are made yearly to improve on short-comings, but year by year these things persist. The service at our public hospitals, for one, is still appallingly poor to say the least. I’ll talk nothing of long queues where people are still compelled to wake as early as three in the morning if they want to stand a chance to get service at our Day Hospitals and clinics. There are still complaints of being given wrong medication in these institutions. The current strike by the doctors is indicative of our government’s lack of taking seriously people with crucial skills that we need. I know this is an issue for national office, but if here we don’t put pressure on them to get their act together we’ll be the ones left with hospitals that are understaffed.

The motto of this department says “equal access to quality health care”; which is why it is most surprising to me that there are those who wish to sabotage the proposed National Health Insurance (NHI). Indeed, as proposed now, it has practically problems that must be refined and given a much cost effective procedural means. Yet, it is to me, Mr. Speaker, a mystery why people are fine with having public schools along with private ones, but not OK with having public insurance along private ones. We must guard against following the lobby of big companies at the expense of ordinary people.

We must also, Mr. Speaker, realise that the health of our people is priceless. Only healthy people are productive. I’m sure we can find innovative ways of paying for the NHI if we try. For instance, we can introduce reasonable taxing for all income earners the same percentage of their income. What we must not do is to subject crucial imperatives, like health care, to capitalist values.

Those who are opposed to the NHI give me a feeling they favour “free market” only when it benefits them. The fact is, having public insurance will inherently decrease cost of medical care Mr. Speaker, because it spreads risk and cost across more people. NHI is the beginning of dialogue on creative means of providing what should be a right and not a privilege. At Cope we believe quality health care must not be a profit oriented industry, and this we cannot emphasise strong enough.

Meantime, Mr. Speaker, in this province we would like a more concerted effort of implementing the Comprehensive Service Plan. We need to see in reality the delivery of cost-effective primary health care service, including the prevention of disease and promotion of a safe and healthy environment, as promised and started by the previous administration. Comprehensive Service Plan has a promise of reshaping the service to improve the quality of patient care and optimising our resources.

In the metro, where the thrust of this implementation is supposed to start, the process is still painfully slow. The most worrying factor is that some of the external activities that relates to the plan are seriously subject to inflation and exchange rate fluctuations. In this atmosphere of recession we can easily find ourselves with a big chunk out of even the resources we thought we already secured due to economic conditions.

The last budget identified Tuberculosis (TB) as the major threat to the health of our nation; not much has changed Mr. Speaker. TB and HIV/AIDS should still be our highest priority. Recently a summit was held in White River, Nelspruit, which emphasised on soliciting input from the young people. Its statistics reveal that young people are heeding the message of delaying sexual experience, and using condoms; they say now their aim is to promote the practise of circumcision as an add on to prevention of AIDS. Coupling this with the reports from other organisations working on similar fields, the message that things are slowly improving, even if we are not yet out of the woods, is beginning to emerge Mr. Speaker.

One of the key focuses of the Extended Public Works Programmes has been strengthening home-based care and skill development training. Not only does this provide care for de-hospitalised patients to make way for acutely ill patients, it gives a safety net income for people in these communities. We hope this administration would recognise the importance of this and seek rather to expand and give substance to the programmes.

The construction of hospitals in Khayelitsha and Mitchells Plain is something the people of these communities have been waiting for and are eager to see completed. It’s ridiculous, Mr. Speaker, that a community whose population is as big as the city of Port Elizabeth does not have as single full hospital servicing their health needs. That it took this long to rectify this disaster points to a failure of our government’s measuring its words to deeds. This is why we’re most concerned by the revelation that there’s no money to build the Mitchells Plain hospital. This to us Mr. Speaker is unacceptable.

If countries like Morocco teach us anything, it is that the quality of health care does not only dependant on resources, but in the general change of attitude towards a more people friendly public service. When the political will, coupled with efficient non corrupt attitude of service, everything else follows, especially if reduce redundant layers of administrators, codify and use uniform billing rules, regulations and design.

Mr. Speaker, the government must not only act to give people quality alternative health insurance to what insurance companies provide, but somehow regulate and cap prices in pharmaceutical industry and medical institutions. This is already happening to countries like Japan, whose price controls even prescribe minimum and maximum fees to what doctors and hospitals can charge for medical services.

Thank you!
Tozama Bevu
Cope MPL, Western Cape Legislature

I am an African!

In Speeches on June 18, 2009 at 8:37 pm

Friends, on an occasion such as this, we should, perhaps, start from the beginning. So, let me begin.

I am an African!

I owe by being to the hills and the valleys, the mountains and the glades, the rivers, the deserts, the trees, the flowers, the seas and the ever-changing seasons that define the face of our native land. My body has frozen in our frosts and in our latter day snows. It has thawed in the warmth of our sunshine and melted in the heat of the midday sun. The crack and the rumble of the summer thunders, lashed by startling lightening, have been a cause both of trembling and of hope… The dramatic shapes of the [landscape] have… been panels of the set on the natural stage on which we act out the foolish deeds of the theatre of our day.

At times, and in fear, I have wondered whether I should concede equal citizenship of our country to the leopard and the lion, the elephant and the springbok, the hyena, the black mamba and the pestilential mosquito. A human presence among all these, a feature on the face of our native land thus defined, I know that none dare challenge me when I say – I am an African! …

Today, as a country, we keep an audible silence about these ancestors of the generations that live, fearful to admit the horror of a former deed, seeking to obliterate from our memories a cruel occurrence which, in its remembering, should teach us not and never to be inhuman again. I am formed of the migrants who left Europe to find a new home on our native land. Whatever their own actions, they remain still, part of me. In my veins courses the blood of the Malay slaves who came from the East. Their proud dignity informs my bearing, their culture a part of my essence. The stripes they bore on their bodies from the lash of the slave master are a reminder embossed on my consciousness of what should not be done… My mind and my knowledge of myself is formed by the victories that are the jewels in our African crown, the victories we earned from Isandhlwana to Khartoum, as Ethiopians and as the Ashanti of Ghana, as the Berbers of the desert….

I have seen our country torn asunder as … my people, engaged one another in a titanic battle, the one redress a wrong that had been caused by one to another and the other, to defend the indefensible. I have seen what happens when one person has superiority of force over another, when the stronger appropriate to themselves the prerogative even to annul the injunction that God created all men and women in His image.

I know what it signifies when race and colour are used to determine who is human and who, sub-human. I have seen the destruction of all sense of self-esteem, the consequent striving to be what one is not, simply to acquire some of the benefits which those who had improved themselves as masters had ensured that they enjoy. I have experience of the situation in which race and colour is used to enrich some and impoverish the rest.

I have seen the corruption of minds and souls [in] the pursuit of an ignoble effort to perpetrate a veritable crime against humanity. I have seen concrete expression of the denial of the dignity of a human being emanating from the conscious, systemic and systematic oppressive and repressive activities of other human beings. There the victims parade with no mask to hide the brutish reality – the beggars, the prostitutes, the street children, those who seek solace in substance abuse, those who have to steal to assuage hunger, those who have to lose their sanity because to be sane is to invite pain. Perhaps the worst among these, who are my people, are those who have learnt to kill for a wage. To these the extent of death is directly proportional to their personal welfare…

All this I know and know to be true because I am an African!

Because of that, I am also able to state this fundamental truth that I am born of a people who are heroes and heroines. I am born of a people who would not tolerate oppression. I am of a nation that would not allow that fear of death, torture, imprisonment, exile or persecution should result in the perpetuation of injustice. The great masses who are our mother and father will not permit that the behaviour of the few results in the description of our country and people as barbaric. Patient because history is on their side, these masses do not despair because today the weather is bad. Nor do they turn triumphalist when, tomorrow, the sun shines.

Whatever the circumstances they have lived through and because of that experience, they are determined to define for themselves who they are and who they should be… As an African, this is an achievement of which I am proud, proud without reservation and proud without any feeling of conceit…
But it seems to have happened that we looked at ourselves and said the time had come that we make a super-human effort to be other than human, to respond to the call to create for ourselves a glorious future, to remind ourselves of the Latin saying: Gloria est consequenda – Glory must be sought after!
Today it feels good to be an African…

I am born of the peoples of the continent of Africa. The pain of the violent conflict that the peoples of Liberia, Somalia, the Sudan, Burundi and Algeria is a pain I also bear. The dismal shame of poverty, suffering and human degradation of my continent is a blight that we share. The blight on our happiness that derives from this and from our drift to the periphery of the ordering of human affairs leaves us in a persistent shadow of despair. This is a savage road to which nobody should be condemned. This thing that we have done today, in this small corner of a great continent that has contributed so decisively to the evolution of humanity says that Africa reaffirms that she is continuing her rise from the ashes…
Whatever the difficulties, Africa shall be at peace!

However improbable it may sound to the sceptics, Africa will prosper!

Whoever we may be, whatever our immediate interest, however much we carry baggage from our past, however much we have been caught by the fashion of cynicism and loss of faith in the capacity of the people, let us err today and say – nothing can stop us now!

INPUT OF COPE ON PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE ON YOUTH DAY (SA belongs to all its Youth)

In Speeches on June 11, 2009 at 12:38 pm

Greetings to Hon. Speaker
Hon. Members

Young people are the future of the society. For this reason all societies should nurture young people to play a meaningful role in their affairs and beyond. In turn, young people are expected to explore the limits of their opportunities and responsibilities in society. In other words, the youth grow into society, becoming part of it, growing with it, eventually grow it themselves.

This year marks the 33rd Anniversary since the Soweto Youth Uprisings which was characterised by the firing of bullets, spraying of teargas, killing and assault of young people whose sin was to demand their right to freedom, democracy and right to education without being language confined. That day a body of a 12 year old Hector Pieterson was sewn by the bullets of agents of apartheid dying in front of his comrades as they paved a way for the coming generation to take spear and
advance further. The commemoration is also in the month from which one of the greatest sons of this continent was born, the intellectual who has defined & redefined the African renaissance concept, Thabo Mbeki(happy early birthday to Zizi, and thank you for leaving a traceable legacy).

The current state of youth development of our country continues to be a worrying factor as this celebration of this 33rd anniversary bears no significance of change of situation to them but rather celebrating it with heads of youth bow down and shame written in their faces as they continue to witness democracy contributing immensely in their misery. We define this as misery because:-

• The level of unemployment continues to escalate with young people being the most affected group. The statistics show most unemployed graduates are young people who haven’t yet plough back to their communities despite the fact that as they were studying they were the investment to their parents and ultimately changing life for the better. A solution of a Youth Cadet Service where school leavers will serve and support communities whilst they get themselves empowered is offered by the Congress of the People to alleviate a roaming youth that is unemployed and not at schooling. As if this was not enough, reports tell us in provinces like the Free State municipal workers, 98 to be specific, were dismissed on the basis of political affiliation with Cope; so much for depoliticised civil service.

• The lack of universal access to qualitative education continue to subject young people to unintended misfortunes of finding themselves drowning in financial misery. Often you find even the semi-employed youth up to their necks with debt, victims of loan sharks that pretend to be rescuing mechanisms for them to access education yet they eventually get to be listed to credit bureau before they get employed. To this effect it must be mentioned that NFSAS is amongst these giants who continue to swallow the dreams, aspirations and the future of youth through this scheme has left many casualties along the way. I must also mention that the Government is accountable for all this mess as it continuously make promises it does not keep. An example must drawn in the University of South Africa where learners are used by the SACP to call for the head of the most productive Vice Chancellor,
Professor Barney Pityana. The youth of the SACP, the party whose Secretary General, is now the Minister of Higher Eductaion, are the champions of the campaign against professor Pityane.

• We also call on the department of Education to take drastic steps and decisive measures against teachers in Soweto who are disrupting classes holding the future of our brothers and sisters at ransom.

• The aspirations of young people to become businessmen/women is often hindered by the fact the institutions that Government have created are open to access only by a certain sphere of society and not all. UYF,SEDA & IDC continue to shut rural youth out of the systems that are used to get financial assistance in order to become young entrepreneurs as a result of this Young people end up subjecting themselves to unwanted tendencies of fronting for the wealthy that seeks to get wealthier-What kind of government enjoy seeing its future leaders being prisoners of the haves? The critical task of the National Youth Development Agency amongst other things must to ensure that these bottlenecks are dealt with and economic freedom is enjoyed by the youth of this country.

• The lack of service delivery by the current government continue to be evident in the areas where even the Christmas of the food parcels cannot reach because roads aren’t constructed, water & sanitation or electricity aren’t by any means in pipe lines, example of this is in the area of Xolobeni A/A where the department of minerals and energy had wanted to impose a mining in deep primitive area where no attempt was ever made to bring government services selling the land of the poor Pondo people to Australian company.

• The painful living of the people of Second Creek (East London) who feed their families including infants who are 1 day old on the Mununicipal dumping site is the worse book from which this Government must read all symptoms of poverty and hopelessness our people are subjected to, and begin to truly commit to letting the sun of Hope and Change shine in these darkest areas of our country.

• Hon Speaker we welcome the creation of a new ministry of Women, Youth and people with disabilities we are hopeful that this Department will be used as a first department to champion really interests of these key spheres of our country more especially taking from the experience that out of the previous 18 National departments only 6 of those had Youth directorates hence the slow progress to the advancement of the youth agenda. In the same spirit we would want to see our government implementing the opening of opportunities to youth with disability as they are still a seriously marginalized group in all aspects.

• Lastly as youth of the Congress of the People we commit to being the desired value to the means and programmes that our government put in place in order for the lives of young people to get better. We are South Africans, and we are Africans regardless of race, colour, gender or creed. We commit on mobilising youth to being responsible citizens who subscribe to the following:-

(i) I am loyal to my country, South Africa, and the Continent of Africa regardless of whatever difficulties the country and the continent faces;
(ii) I will work for the unity and success of my country, South Africa, and the Continent of Africa;
(iii) Defend and enhance the national sovereignty of South Africa and our right to determine for ourselves, our hopes and aspirations as a people united in our diversity.

THANK YOU!!!

Anele Mnda is Cope National Youth Convener

A Parliamentary Debate, Western Cape Legislature

In Speeches on June 10, 2009 at 9:32 am

Youth in Government & Citizenship

10 June 2009

Hounorable Deputy Speaker

When we recall the incidences that happened in the soon to be commemorated 16 June 1976 event it leaves us without any doubt that the youth of this country played a forefront role in the liberation of our country. We saw also during the past election how our youth, contrary to global trends, rose to consolidate the freedom they fought for by going to vote in numbers. With all these noble efforts it very unfortunate that they are the ones at the worst of the frustrations and shortcomings experienced presently by our country.

They are the most unemployed, thus in need of requisite skills. They are dying in droves from the HIV/AIDS, though recent statistics show that the numbers are declining but still too high. In short Mr. Deputy Speaker, our youth is not fully enjoying the fruits they fought and sacrificed so much for.

I know terms like youth empowerment are in vogue these days, but is our youth really empowered? Look around this house and tell me if you see any MPP that is less than 40 years old. How are we empowering our youth if we do not include them in decision making processes by making them part of governance. Without boasting Mr. Deputy Speaker, there’s only one party whose youth leader is a member of National Parliament, and that is Cope, though it has only thirty representatives there.

We don’t only need to include the youth in governance Mr. Deputy Speaker, but we need to lead them by example. We need to show them that freedom does not translate to license or anarchy. The sad part is that, when it comes to moral values, like a fish, we seem to be rotting from the head. I know it is uncomfortable to speak of these things but we must for the sake of our children, if not ourselves. As parents we are not providing much good example to our children. How do we expect them to do what we tell them then? Children tend to learn more from what we do than what we say.

I’m not taking the responsibility away from the youth Mr. Deputy Speaker; but am emphasizing that it starts with us, the parents. We must measure our words by our deeds. Sure the government must provide a platform for the youth to develop to their best potential.

We recently heard the President’s address giving one promise after another, renaming this Commission for that Agency. Name changing does not change anything if substance is still lacking, and there’s no real change of attitude and capability. The office of the Premier in this province has promised to establish a Commission for Youth, Women, and the Disabled. That is laudable if followed by real works. It is imperative that we take our youth seriously, include them more, especially about decisions that affect them directly. We must adopt an attitude of humility on things they have much to teach us, like technological innovation and suave. The youth can help us get rid of old bad habits. They can, for instance, drive us more towards respecting our environment, better management and conservation of our fast depleting natural resources.

We need our youth if we are to achieve progressive reorientation of our mindset to respond more efficiently to the needs of the present age. There’s much institutional changes that need to be altered to achieve all this, and it is certain that we cannot measure well against the coming age without the help of our youth. The youth is truly the future that is here!

Thank you Mr. Deputy Speaker
Tozama Bevu
Cope Western Cape Member of the Legislature

PARLIAMENT OF THE WESTERN CAPE PROVINCE DEBATE ON PREMIER’S ADDRESS 2 JUNE 2009

In Speeches on June 3, 2009 at 9:28 am

As my colleague, Dr. Boesak has already said, COPE welcomes the commitment to efficient, clean and transparent governance that the Premier, the hon Helene Zille, has emphasised on her address, and hope its effort will not, okwezithukuthuku zenja ziphelele eboyeni [like a dog’s sweat disappear into the fur]. And that it won’t mean purging people based on political affiliation. The Premier’s commitment to creating more jobs is commendable, we wait to see if it realisable. But in COPE’s opinion in general thinks Madam Premier failed to provide a clear directive of how provincial government will achieve this, especially for the poor areas of our province.

When we recall the speech Madam Premier made upon the occasion of her becoming the mayor of Cape Town we become wary of these promises. On that occasion we had high hopes, supposing that it meant more services to our black townships. Our experience since then is that nothing much came out of it. Had we time we would compare statistics notes with the premier to drive home the point; the much media reported misery of those who still live without basic services is argument enough.

This provincial government must not abandon Expanded Public works too; if anything it must start thinking of more urgent ways of creating labour intensive public works to ease the strain of unemployment, and the loss jobs that coming with the intensification of the economic recession. I know Madame Premier is sensitive on the issue of responsibilities before rights, but some, through no fault of theirs, have fallen between the cracks of the system; they too must be accommodated with social security. The Premier’s address was rather regrettably silent on that.

Mr. Speaker, the Premier, in her state of the province speech lamented how the ANC makes the DA administration chase a bouncing ball when it comes to house delivery. We believe, without discounting the seriousness of the accusation of rushed land transfers to the national government, that’s only part of the issue and nature of politics. The Premier will have to look for more innovative ways of speeding up house delivery; and hope now that the DA is a provincial government the poor will see a much more concerted on this department, and less complaints about lack of land.

As much as we support “a public transport system that is more regulated, formalized and co-ordinated …” we’ll caution the premier into taking a more cooperative tone when dealing with the taxi industry. The taxi owners are not miscreant; all they want is for a more consultative process and an assurance that they too should be empowered by the process.

We would also like to remind Madam Premier that South Africa is a constitutional democratic state that espouses the will of the majority over even that of parliamentary law. And that the Western Cape is just but a province in the bigger picture of South African democratic project.

There’s a whole lot of other issues we could talk about, like market structures that need to be corrected so that the possibilities of downstream production or service industry development can be substantially expanded. The Premier on her speech touched, for instance, like developing to the optimal level Agri-processing. We would like to hear more about that, and regret that there are people into his house, from her party, who are still calling for Agri villages. What would that entail? And would it not rather be just another form of discrimination by big boys who own farm lands and have expertise to service them at the expense of the rest? Also, why have we not yet gotten into the wagon of using green energy development as a source of economic development? Madam Premier didn’t touch on that? These are things we should be investing our resources and energies on. Unfortunately time does not allow us to discuss these things here now.

Thank you ladies and gentleman.

Tozama Bevu
Member of COPE Western Cape Legislature

Chairperson’s overview

In News, Speeches on May 19, 2009 at 12:53 pm

Congress of the People
Western Cape, Metro Region
Regional General Council
17 May 2009, Sunray Primary School, Delft South

Where we come from

The miracle establishment of COPE has come about over the past 6 month. All of us here have been privileged to be part of much of its short history. From the Langa Declaration (October 2008), and the Sandton Convention (November 2008) we founded the Congress of the People in Bloemfontein on 16 December 2008. Since then the CNC, Interim Provincial and Interim Regional structures have been established. In accordance to a decision taken at our founding congress in Bloemfontein leadership would be appointed by means of consensus from the available pool of volunteers at the various leadership levels. This leadership has been leading us with the help of CNC decisions and provincial guidelines through the 22 April 2009 elections to where we are today.

In the same way the RILG was establishment, starting with a leadership core of 8 who left the ANC in this province. They were subsequently tasked with establishing the Cope’s Metro Region. This group was expanded to 12 with some additional volunteers – ready to work, serve and lead this organization in the City of Cape Town. Through a consultative process 11 zones were formed and the RILG was expanded by 2 representatives from each zone in addition to 10 additional members. This brought the total of RILG members to 44 members.

At the same time the Region was tasked to handle the parliamentary nomination process in addition to the nominations for the PILG. Both processes were difficult to handle due to the growing pains of a young organization with insufficient procedural guidelines. This put a lot of strain on the RILG so close to the national elections of 22 April 2009. The Region was also negatively impacted by the leadership differences on a PILG level.

Elections

During March the RILG established the Elections Task Team, headed up by cdes Tanas Lukas and John Mokoena. Our performance in the Election results, though perhaps falling low to our expectations were generally very well received by the public. COPE has achieved the remarkable by establishing a new political party in 5 months and capture 7.5% of the national vote. In the Metro Region we covered 101 of the 105 wards and about 720 of the 818 VD’s in the City of Cape Town on Election Day.

Challenges building up to elections

  • Lack of election resources and the late start of the campaign
  • Lack of administrative capacity
  • Leadership squabbles in the PILG with negative PILG members impacting on the Region’s members

Challenges on Elections day

  • Lack of resources to wards
  • Inability to transport volunteers to voting districts (VDs) were there are no COPE branches
  • Late arrivals of monies to wards
  • Intimidation at some VDs
  • Not enough Party Agents for all VDs

Results in the Metro Region

  • National vote for COPE in the Metro: 117487 (8.69%) of 1 351 922 votes cast
  • Provincial vote for COPE in the Metro: 94007 (7.16%) of 1 313 502 votes cast
  • Top wards: Ward 41 Guguletu (23%), Ward 51 Langa (22,75%), Ward 94 Khayelitsha (18.85%).
  • Our lowest levels of support were in the Northern Suburbs and Mithcell’s Plain otherwise there is broad-based support for COPE in all areas of the city
  • Average support for COPE in the Black Areas is 13%, in the Coloured areas it is 8%, while in the White areas it is 6%.
  • A more detailed analysis of results per ward linked to the 2001 National Census data per population group reveals that COPE support is spread in the following way: 44% of COPE supporters are Black African. 39% of COPE supporters are Coloured. 17% of COPE supporters are White.


Conclusions regarding election results

  • We have done well
  • We have a broad base of support (although low) covering all wards of the city – COPE is the only party in Cape Town that appeals to all South African population groups
  • We have a lot of work to do
  • In wards were comrades worked really hard it was clear that support for COPE doubled by increased visibility, clarity of message and vision, and service to the community
  • We need to have a very strong fundraising drive to ensure that we have strong financial resources to draw upon to build the organization
  • As a matter of urgency we need to move to establish an elective leadership in the Region according to the COPE constitution. This will defeat many of the negative under currents in the Party.

Moving forward

Calls for the RILG to resign and all structures to be collapsed

  • There have been calls in various forms by certain PILG members since March that all leadership structures, including the RILG, collapse and for CNC members to take the Province and Regions forward.
  • There has also been a similar call from 2 of the 11 zones (Zone 3 and 6) within our Region in recent weeks.
  • Currently these proposals have been referred to by Province to the National legotla by the CNC to be held this week from 21-23 May.
  • In regard it must be noted that CNC, Provincial and Regional Leadership have been established through appointment on the basis of consensus.
  • These structures have been mandated to take the Party through the elections and then to Regional, Provincial and National Elective Conferences, where they will be replaced by the newly elected leadership.
  • The Region has decided not to wait for a mandate from Province or the CNC, but to go on with work and embark on canvassing membership, building branches and preparing for the Regional Elective Conference and 2011 Local elections.

Leadership

What is now required is clear and principled leadership from the RILG. Due to the difficult nature of the birth of COPE and the challenges to fight our first elections, many people had built according to the best of their ability but without clear design guidelines. This is due to the fact that COPE is still awaiting the finalization of its constitution [only finalised a few days ago]. Without a final approved constitution many issues are neither constitutional nor unconstitutional. In the absence of this we need to continue to be guided by the directives and guidelines as accepted at our founding conference and as issued by the CNC from time to time. Such instruction we have received from Province and we are thus embarking on the establishment of our membership base and in preparation of the building of our branches.

To this task the RILG has committed itself to provide clear leadership. All comrades must ensure that we remain a disciplined force who is not distracted by unruly elements who desire to capitalize on whatever weakness they may perceive in order to set a ‘different order’ in place. We shall be led by the founding resolutions and principles of this party and our Constitution when accepted.

COPE and all its leaders must be guided by values and principles that benefit all our people and serve South Africa at large. We cannot become followers of personalities, special groups or caucuses. We must individually be led by the founding principles to promote a non-racist, non-sexist and equal society. We will waste much time if instead of committing ourselves to these principles spend our time trying to promote selfish interests.

The electorate is looking for the Hope that COPE has promised and has given us a clear mandate to continue to build a party for all South African. We dare not fail them, for the day that the electorate is convinced that we will serve them in humility and dignity we shall govern in this City.

Our work at hand

  • In short we now have to embark on a massive drive to ensure that all our members are fully paid-up members in good standing.
  • Recruit new members
  • Build branches according to the constitutional when approved
  • Prepare and host our first Regional Elective Conference

Timeframes

According to provincial input the National Elective Conference is planned to take place during March or April 2010. Province is also currently planning to have a Provincial Elective Conference during October or November this year. This leaves the Metro Region with the task to complete its own conference during August or September 2009. We have therefore only 3 to 4 months to establish our branches and host our first Regional Elective Conference.

Closing remarks

We as the Congress of the People are proud of what we have achieved in 6 months. We have worked hard, sacrificed and endured much in order to see a new, truly South African party born. COPE is our HOPE. COPE is the future. With humility we will strive to truly serve our beloved country and all her people.

Real power is with the people! We will not change! We are moving forward with the new agenda for hope and change for all people!

Johan Boot

Interim Regional Chairperson

FINAL ACCEPTANCE SPEECH – DR M DANDALA

In Speeches on February 24, 2009 at 5:40 pm

The reason I am standing before you today is because I believe it is my duty to do everything in my power to help our nation return to the dreams and hopes that we, as a nation, cherished in 1994. Those dreams were of a fair and just society. Our hopes were for efficient government, freedom from hunger and better lives for our children.
Have those dreams come true? Yes, we have made some progress, our young democracy is strong, but there is not a single South African who can honestly say they are not worried about the future. We live every day with corruption, fear and inefficiency and the situation keeps getting worse. This is what I hear the Congress of the People and many more South Africans saying.
We say enough is enough. Our vision for the future is of a government founded on the values of honesty, integrity and justice. That happens to be my personal philosophy and also our collective vision as COPE.
I joined COPE because I have spent my life working for peace, fighting for justice and seeking a society where integrity is the most important guiding philosophy. I found in COPE people who share these values. Voting for COPE gives South Africans a chance to vote for a new beginning – for a government where integrity guides us – not self interest. You will be voting for a robust fight against corruption. You will vote for a society where we can all stand together to build the principled society South Africa deserves.
The cornerstone of true democracy is the empowerment of the people to build a society they deserve. If COPE was promising to achieve these on its own I would be among the first to say, that taking current reality into account, these were yet again empty promises. But because COPE is committed to enabling our people to work towards these goals, I am bold enough to say that these will be achieved.
I believe that the time has come to honour the legacy for which so many gave their lives.

  • The time has come for change – the time has come for hope!
  • The time has come for a return to values that characterise clean governance.
  • The time has come – and it is long, long overdue – that our people have food security.
  • The time has come for efficient delivery to serve the people of South Africa.
  • The time has come to create a society that fulfills its promises to its young.
  • The time has come to create an authentically non-racial, non-sexist society.
  • The time has come to create a South Africa where public servants at every level serve the public and not their own pockets.
  • The time has come to create a South Africa where crime does not daily threaten the lives and possessions of our people.
  • The time has come for people to hold their parties and government in check.
  • The time has come to ensure that, institutions of our society, like the judiciary, IEC and the constitution are afforded the respect due to them. When these institutions are undermined, society disintegrates.
  • The time has come for a clear distinction to be made between party interests and state responsibilities.
  • The time has come for members of all political parties to have the right to gather in a violence-free environment.

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